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| 1 |
ID:
117658
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China, the world's largest energy consumer and greenhouse gas emitter, appears to have contradictory climate policies. While aggressively pursuing a renewable energy policy, Beijing is weak on a commitment to emissions reduction. The "paradox" can be reconciled on the basis of China's priority for growth, which is critical in ensuring the Communist Party's grip on power.
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| 2 |
ID:
117652
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Disputes over sovereignty and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea (SCS) involve both the claimants and major maritime powers. Two starkly different approaches to the SCS conflict are discussed: (1) diplomacy among the claimants either bilaterally or multilaterally; (2) if diplomacy fails, the claimants are building their militaries to assert their rights through force.
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| 3 |
ID:
117653
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the South China Sea dispute, some Track-2 settings, along with Track-1 efforts by ASEAN and China, have facilitated some conflict "management." But they have not brought about conflict "resolution" of the basic sovereignty and control issues. Conflict "irresolution" has ensued instead. Short-term balancing may perhaps generate long-term socialization convergence.
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| 4 |
ID:
117656
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past decade, India has invested significant resources in public diplomacy, using traditional and new approaches to build and leverage its soft power. This article examines the reasons for this investment, the various forms of public diplomacy India employs, and the effectiveness of its efforts to shape public opinion. It finds that Indian investment in public diplomacy is partly a response to concerns about the perceived growth of Chinese soft power and partly a function of changed beliefs in the foreign policy-making elite about the uses of new social media. It also finds that India's new public diplomacy seems to have met with some--albeit patchy--success in augmenting its soft power.
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| 5 |
ID:
117654
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| Publication |
2012.
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The formulation "ASEAN Community" has been criticized for being too elitist and lacking serious efforts to solicit public opinion. This article examines how the people in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore view the concept of "community building" and the obstacles this initiative may encounter.
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| 6 |
ID:
117659
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the partisan effects of voter turnout in 12 Korean elections. We argue theoretically and show empirically that hypothetical increases in turnout generate benefits for left-wing or minor parties, rather than right-wing or major parties. Complete voter turnout may have changed the actual electoral results in close elections.
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| 7 |
ID:
117655
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2012.
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The aid dependence of Cambodian NGOs has resulted in a predominantly donor-driven peace-building process. Notwithstanding some crucial reconciliation initiatives that predate donor involvement and are rooted in local-often Buddhist-traditions, recent key initiatives in the area of transitional justice would not have happened without significant international funding and support.
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| 8 |
ID:
117657
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews China's change from cautious observer to active participant in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) dispute settlement system over the past decade. It argues that normative, rather than material, constraints deterred China from WTO litigation in the initial years of its membership.
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