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| 1 |
ID:
173617
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| Summary/Abstract |
Neo-liberal world economy has faced yet another setback within a decade of world financial crisis in 2008. While the earlier crisis was due to economic reason, this time the crisis stemmed from natural pandemic and associated economic stalemate.
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| 2 |
ID:
163477
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| Summary/Abstract |
The headline of any assessment of South Asian politics is the deadlock between India and Pakistan which misses the other end of the story i.e. geo-strategic bonhomie between China and Pakistan in the region. Unpacking this story of coming together of China and Pakistan to counter India’s influence in the region have backfired on China to see an equal but more implicit bonding between US and India in the region. Therefore China’s present policy is to rhetorically neutralize its relations with Pakistan and come rhetorically closer to India to delink the Indo-US strategies in South Asia.
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| 3 |
ID:
157382
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| Summary/Abstract |
Interrogating the 21st century neighbourhood policy of India refers to analyse the strategies adopted by a nuclear-India towards its South Asian neghbours keeping in mind the China factor. The paper argues with suitable illustrations that neighbourhood policy of India have been rhetorically harmonious but was forced not to surface hospitable attitude towards the South Asian neighbours because of exigencies of extraregional and regional balance of power.
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| 4 |
ID:
173596
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has been an enigma for many across the globe about the less number of pandemic Covid-19 virus affects among countries of South Asia in comparison to Europe and America. Not less enigmatic is the fact of managing the spread of Covid-19 virus affects by the governments of SAARC countries.
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| 5 |
ID:
148579
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| Summary/Abstract |
India is the new buzzword in world politics. India’s economic salience has forced the world to take greater cognizance of India. From domestic quarters in India a question is raised about independent foreign policy position of India in world affairs in the 21st century. Such an apprehension is due to the fact of India’s simultaneous effort to create an alternate world economic order through BRICS Development Bank and continuing strategic bonhomie with the United States of America. This paper argues that new theoretical ventures need to be applied to analyse such extremes.
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| 6 |
ID:
139876
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| Summary/Abstract |
A change in government in India took place a year back and under the leadership of Narendra Modi the primary focus of the foreign policy of India has been the neighoburhood from the very first day. Engaging the neighbours in South Asia through high level bilateral visits and donating aids for developmental projects to instill confidence in them have been a sin-qua-non for this government.
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| 7 |
ID:
165717
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| Summary/Abstract |
India as an independent nation-state from mid-20th century created a niche for itself in international order by opting for an independent strategic foreign policy course known as nonalignment. With the end of Cold War the strategic position was replaced by a bourgeoning economy and India’s prominence was calculated on index of economic growth and prospect for an economic market.
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| 8 |
ID:
133902
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Geopolitics as a subject has a trajectory from 'imperialist geopolitics' to 'new geopolitics' to 'critical geopolitics'. Contextualising Indo-Bangladesh relations since the post cold war period , particularly with the sensiticity of 'Gujral Doctrine' of 1996 within this 'geopolitical tradition', the paper shows that following Gujral, the NDA and UPA government have tried to project its benevolent image in its policy to Bangladesh, mostly in an one-way flow of assistance and aid, but badly wanting an assurance of 'zero-tolerance' to anti-Indian terrorist training camps in Bangladesh's soil.
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| 9 |
ID:
169430
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| Summary/Abstract |
Narendra Modi led BJP government have returned to power for a second consecutive term in India and this time with more thumping majority. Therefore it is expected that the policy directions of the first tenure will be carried on with more concerted effort. Modi in his first tenure innovatively invited all the heads of government of SAARC countries in his sworn-in ceremony and went on to designate his approach towards these countries as ‘neighbourhood first’ policy showing his willingness to prioritise them in India’s foreign policy.
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| 10 |
ID:
169813
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| Summary/Abstract |
The recent withdrawal of India from the strategically vital RCEP (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership) agreement has been seen by the opposition in India as a bow down of the Narendra Modi government to their opinion. Votaries of the government view this as a timely move to reflect the uncompromising nature of the government on question of ‘national interest’. In the midst of such analysis at domestic setting, this paper argues that Narendra Modi government has build up a model of ‘national foreign policy’ of India which is based on ‘nationalism and monologue’ different from the model of ‘consensual Nehruvian foreign policy’ based on ‘democracy and dialogue’. The paper argues that theoretically a mix of realism and constructivism while practically a mix of domestic electoral strength and external presence capacity have added a uniqueness to Modi’s foreign policy experience.
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| 11 |
ID:
117906
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India's policy orientation towards its immediate neighbouring countries in South Asia has been subjected to analyses mainly through the prism of foreign policy. In this article, neighbourhood is taken as a prism to categorise the phases of India's policy since Independence towards these countries. In this effort, certain trends have been identified in Indian foreign policy that cut across chronology of Indian governments in office. The article critically interrogates the Indian policy package towards India's immediate neighbours through interest based strategies that suit the changing external international political milieu. The Cold War years, the contradictory pulls of economic globalisation and regionalism and the drive towards global multipolarity affected the policy orientations of India towards its neighbours. The article concludes that the political logic of neighbourhood policy of India in South Asia is conditioned by adhocism.
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| 12 |
ID:
173627
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| Summary/Abstract |
In analysing COVID period snapshots of experience from across the world on society, media and politics are constantly hitting our mind and heart and forcing us to think beyond the given narratives in a multidisciplinary framework. In probing deep into such meta-experiences the single country case studies with unique features are the most sought after explanatory tools in the present time. Covid pandemic has brought to our sense a basic lesson which is to remain ready nationally to tackle single-handedly any problem.
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| 13 |
ID:
157319
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the traditional geopolitical discourse of international relations, Asia-Pacific region have been discussed with Japan, China, ASEAN courtiers and the United States of America. In the 21st century as the power equations get rebalanced, India have been inducted in the narrative of regional geopolitics of Asia-Pacific to the extent of a new nomenclature – Indo-Pacific.
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| 14 |
ID:
150602
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorism and Islamism are age-old ideas in the philosophy of world politics but with the 9/11 attack the idea of ‘radical Islam’ emerged in the lexicon of analysis of the linkage between terrorism and Islamism. The prevalent and common practice is to understand the linkage from a religious point of view or from a civilizational point of view. However to the student of world politics the more attractive approach to ponder over is that of strategic analysis. This paper takes such a non-religious view to understand the linkage between international terrorism and radical Islam in the 21st century.
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| 15 |
ID:
140127
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| Summary/Abstract |
International relations (IR) has seen theoretical reshuffling in the wake of changing realities. The process of globalisation initiated a concept of global politics with thrust in de-territoriality replacing the territoriality attached with the term geopolitics. Through the prism of geopolitics, India was the ‘mainland’ of the region and the other states of the region were the ‘hinterland’. With global politics, India again becomes the ‘mainland’ for global economic flows with its immediate neighbours as the ‘hinterland’. With geopolitics, India could afford to have frictions with its regional neighbours, an option that is not open to it with global politics. The article argues that India is reshuffling the South Asian region to meet the realities of global politics and concludes that while at the level of theory IR are changing towards de-territoriality, the ground reality imprints the importance of the realities of geography and demography of big nation states.
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| 16 |
ID:
185434
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| Summary/Abstract |
Diplomacy has been the life blood of international politics and Covid-19 like everything else affected the regular flow of diplomacy as well. Trying to jostle its place in world comity of nations, India has taken up vaccine diplomacy as a prime pusher of its expected positioning. In that direction announcement of Prime Minister Modi to offer vaccines at 75th UNGA and also to its
neighbourhood went a long way in bolstering India’s image as a relief-provider/ serviceprovider
in times of crisis. India’s domestic health and economic pulls put hurdles in its’ expected delivery of vaccines to neighbourhood.
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