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| 1 |
ID:
128205
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Indian government's recent high level committee report on the e Indian Diaspora estimates that almost 20 million people of Indian origin live overseas. India has the second largest diaspora in the world. The overseas Indian community estimated at over 25 million is spread across every major region in the world. Some section of the Indian diaspora have acquired global identity and are promoters of the emerging concept of global citizenship.
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| 2 |
ID:
189940
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the example of neotoponyms proliferation in Tokombéré (Northern Cameroon) between 1970 and 2011, this paper questions the banal tactics of naming places as a site of public patriarchy contestation. In fact, young people play a crucial role in reinventing local political power forms of interpellation, which enables them to symbolically reappropriate the space. This helps to establish their presence in the public sphere from which they have been side-lined by social elders. Even though it reflects a political expression, the fact remains that the attribution of toponyms does not really help to reverse their domination into social field.
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| 3 |
ID:
124497
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates how Shari'ah penal codes, as group-differentiated rights, jeopardize the rights of minority groups in northern Nigeria. The first section explores the concepts of individual and group rights in legal discourse. This is followed by an account of Shari'ah penal codes in northern Nigeria. Then, it examines the political expression of collective identity as group-differentiated rights, and how this expression of collective identity through Shari'ah law has endangered the rights of the members of minority religious groups in northern Nigeria. The paper concludes that, to address the emerging dysfunctional dimensions of Shari'ah, government must work with Islamic civil organizations so as to emphasize the welfare aspects of Shari'ah, and liaise with reputable northern Nigerians to appeal to the members of the Boko Haram to lay down their arms.
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| 4 |
ID:
118027
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The question of making demands has become somewhat fetishized in the Occupy Movement, the one thing endlessly debated in each local occupation and in nearly all journalistic or academic commentaries on the phenomena. This is not without good reason. For to 'demand' presupposes at least two things: that there is a coherent object of need or desire to be obtained, and that there is some person, body or institution that can grant it. Neither presupposition however, holds in the context of Occupy, whose aims, make-up and decision-making processes change from city to city, and from person to person involved within it. While opposition to income in equality and control of financial institutions over public life are common themes, as is direct action and dialogic internal forms of consensus-building, these do not permit a definitive set of oppositional demands, at least in the traditional political sense. Occupy, then, is a hitherto unknown form of political expression.
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