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ID:
116312
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay reviews failed historical attempts at regional integration in the South Caucasus since the early twentieth century, and in particular the failed Transcaucasian federations of 1918 and 1922-1936 and the breakdown of Soviet economic integration in the region. It argues that there is much that makes the South Caucasus a viable region in terms of geography, culture and economic potential, but political contradictions and persistent perceptions of insecurity make for a pattern of recurring fragmentation. Both Caucasians and outsiders have a role to play if voluntary integration is to work as a project in the future.
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| 2 |
ID:
116311
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2012.
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Western governments spend millions of dollars annually supporting the non-governmental sphere, and especially pro-democracy organisations, in non-democracies. The essay explores how inclusion of pro-democracy organisations into the state after democratic breakthrough can enhance or inhibit democratic consolidation, arguing inclusion can actually weaken the NGO community by creating rifts between one-time partners with suddenly disparate agendas. This argument is applied to the case of Georgia following the 2003 'Rose Revolution'. Evidence is based on elite interviews conducted in summer 2007.
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| 3 |
ID:
116307
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2012.
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This collection addresses some of the major challenges facing scholars and practitioners who are dealing with the Caucasus, as well as with ethnic and ethno-religious relations in Eurasia and the wider world. The collection is one of the outcomes of a two-day international multi-disciplinary conference entitled 'The Caucasus and Central Asia: Theoretical, Cultural and Political Challenges', held at the University of Birmingham on 3-4 July 2009.
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| 4 |
ID:
116308
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conflicts in the Caucasus began as a result of the weakening of the institutions of the Soviet Union. Since then there have been some major transformations. Initially, there were 'triangular conflicts' with the centre (Moscow) on the one side and two competing national projects on the other side (a Union Republic and a minority group with an autonomous status within this republic). After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these conflicts evolved into bilateral ones between two popular-nationalist movements with competing territorial claims: newly independent nation states, on the one hand, and minority groups with autonomous status, on the other.
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| 5 |
ID:
116315
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2012.
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According to the Russian NGO SOVA Center, 20 people were killed and at least 148 were injured in racist and neo-Nazi attacks in 2011 in Russia. Although a decline on 2007 (when 89 people were killed and at least 618 injured), the figure remains worryingly high. These people, as well as many others who are not included in these statistics, are victims of Russia's violent geographies of ethnic relations. Through research conducted over the course of two years in 2008 and 2009, supplemented by an analysis of research conduced by NGOs and independent researchers, I document post-Soviet ethnic relations in Stavropol'skii Krai.
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| 6 |
ID:
116314
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2012.
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The essay focuses on the notion of the Caucasus as a reference point in the construction of Cossack identity in southern Russia. Since the late Soviet period, the Cossack revivalist/nativist movement has emerged in the territories which constituted the frontier zones of Tsarist Russia. Arguably, the historical Cossack hosts were established as a kind of frontier community which played an important role in the expansion of the Russian Empire. This essay examines how post-Soviet Cossacks reinterpret the meanings of the Caucasus as a spatial and cultural realm where, or in relation to which, they produce their identity as a distinct ethnic and cultural community.
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| 7 |
ID:
116313
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| Publication |
2012.
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This essay presents research results from a Max Planck Research Group project in which six researchers examined the three components of Marshall's concept of citizenship in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. The essay compares these components with other approaches to citizenship, arguing that processes such as migration, the stricter enforcement of borders and the introduction of new global players and markets to the region allow citizenship concepts to be played against one another.
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| 8 |
ID:
116309
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the wake of the 2008 conflict with Georgia, Russia has re-established itself as the dominant actor in the South Caucasus, consolidating its military presence in the region and reinforcing its already substantial diplomatic and economic levers. This essay examines recent Russian policy towards the region as Moscow attempts to counterbalance growing Western involvement within what it perceives to be its zone of 'privileged interest', focusing on military aspects of its policy towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and the implications for security across the South Caucasus.
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| 9 |
ID:
116316
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay analyses Chechen-related suicide attacks, locating them within the historical and political context of the anti-Russian insurgency in the North Caucasus and the different factions of the anti-Russian armed resistance movement in the period between the first and second Russo-Chechen wars. The core of the essay is an analysis of the different character of two waves of suicide operations, (2000-2002) and (2002-2004). The first wave was linked to nominally Islamist groups, whereas the second set of attacks were linked to Operation Boomerang devised by Shamil Basaev. Finally, the essay considers other attacks that do not fit into either of these two waves of terrorism.
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| 10 |
ID:
116310
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The active participation of children and young men in armed conflicts has not lost its significance as a global phenomenon in the twenty-first century. In Eurasia, where numerous regions are plagued by violent conflicts, many of the everyday realities these young soldiers experienced still remain unclear and continue to be under-researched. Through the use of biographical interviews, this essay retrospectively explores the ways in which war in Nagorno-Karabakh impinged on male teenagers' identities. A biographical approach not only reveals these former young soldiers' experiences which may have otherwise never been told but also allows them to reflect on their war experiences more than ten years later. In this way, we aim to complement existing research on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with new insights.
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