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| 1 |
ID:
129890
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| 2 |
ID:
078835
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
I argue that democracy and peace are both symptoms-not causes-of the removal of territorial issues between neighbors, and in this sense the "empirical law" of democratic peace may in fact be spurious. As democracies tend to stabilize their border relations prior to becoming democratic, democracy as an independent variable in conflict studies captures the effects of an absence of territorial issues. States without these issues are less prone to disputes prior to regime type, and I show that, after controlling for the presence of stable borders, joint democracy exercises no pacifying effect on conflict behavior from 1946 to 1999.
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| 3 |
ID:
062884
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| 4 |
ID:
077195
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In South Asia, boundaries are blurred but borders are bona fide. Boundaries have been blurred since geological time and so it has been culturally in the most recent times. Borders are of many kinds: between rival ethnic groups; between a majority and a minority; between different religious affiliations; or between citizens and denizens. Caste and class are there too, as is the difference between savage and cultured and others like the rural-urban dichotomy, all of which are prominent in South Asia. The commons-air, water, land-give rise to claim and counter-claim; and the political borders defy reason. It is, finally, in the mind of man that the geo-cultural unity of South Asia has to be constructed.
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| 5 |
ID:
018458
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| Publication |
Dec 2000.
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| Description |
46-50
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| 6 |
ID:
068977
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| 7 |
ID:
131004
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Park and Colaresi find that border stability does not apply to non-contiguous states. This just confirms, again, an argument I have been making in numerous publications since my original "Bordering on Peace" article. Nevertheless, I use this response to present a replication of my original argument, as it applies to contiguous states, and I find strong support for the contention that the democratic peace can better be understood as a stable border peace. I also discuss several different replications of the original argument using different proxies for stable borders. Each confirms that joint democracy is not a statistically significant predictor of conflict once stable borders are also included in the model. In sum, arguments from the territorial peace have been confirmed in multiple analyses, with multiple data sets, using multiple levels of analysis, and this renders Park and Colaresi's attack on the original "Bordering on Peace" a non sequitur in the debate over stable borders as an explanation of democracy and peace.
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| 8 |
ID:
129795
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry has done an admirable job of creating an "architecture of peace" to support the negotiations launched in July 2013. He engineered the appointment of retired U.S. General John Allen to delve deeply into Israel's security requirements following a peace treaty, recognizing that the security dilemmas would range far beyond the immediate challenges of securing an Israeli-Palestinian border. Kerry understood that Israel's readiness to take the risks associated with withdrawal from the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) would be influenced directly by the degree to which Israel's security requirements were taken into account.
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| 9 |
ID:
121938
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2013.
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In the borderless world, demarcating boundaries between and among the countries or the border issue is an important problem from historical period. The countries have been engaging in the border conflict, the solution of which would not be found in one day conversations. On the one hand Tibet issue is related to India-China ongoing border problem and on the other hand India supports the Tibetans on humanitarian ground for the preservation of their culture and religion and provides Dalai Lama and Tibetan refugees to establish government in exile in India.
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| 10 |
ID:
129263
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Speech made by Comrade Jiang Zemin at a symposium held during the Sixth Plenary Meeting of the Thirteenth Chinese Party Congress. Today we invite comrades from ethnic border regions and from the Shenyang, Beijing, Lanzhou, and Chengdu military districts who are participating in the present central (committee) plenary meeting to attend a symposium, and we also invite comrades from the various de- partments of the Party Center and the relevant state council departments participating in the plenary meeting to attend in order to study the matter of further stabilizing the ethnic border regions. This indicates that the Party Center, the state council, and the Central Military Commission show great concern for and attach importance to the work in the ethnic border regions
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| 11 |
ID:
058754
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| 12 |
ID:
046179
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| Publication |
London, Frank Cass, 2000.
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| Description |
293p.
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| Standard Number |
0714681067
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 046001 | 320.12/KLI 046001 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
053944
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| 14 |
ID:
133912
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and China have made a significant stride in their bilateral relations which is exemplified in their 60 years of the 'Panchsheel Agreement of 1954'. Though India's relations with China has often been weighed down by the protracted boundary problem but the growing economic engagement has given a new high to the relationship. The growing economic interests between the two rapidly growing Asian giants significantly suggest that commerce can even flourish in the presence of very hostile relations. This unique characteristic of India's relations with China based on their convergent economic interests and divergent political interests posit a unique case study of both cooperation and conflict running parallel to each other.
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| 15 |
ID:
129798
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| Publication |
2014.
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The issue of land is at the core of the Palestinian - Israeli conflict. For a long time efforts aimed at achieving a settlement to the conflict were based on the principle of 'land for peace' meaning that if Israel withdraws from the occupied Arab territories, including the occupied Palestinian land, the Arabs will make peace with Israel.
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| 16 |
ID:
096678
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2010.
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Most studies on illegal migration focus on particular national or local settings and most theoretical approaches are built upon research done in America and Western Europe. In consequence, there is little understanding about the legal construction of the 'illegal' and the meanings of migrants' illegality in different political contexts. Given these major shortcomings, this article compares the cases of Malaysia and Spain. By comparing how we can explain illegal immigration and what it means to be illegal in each country, the final aim of this article is to place the term 'illegal' back into its context, that is, to understand the 'illegal' not as an essentialised, generic and singular object but rather as a legal and political product of particular historical and national contexts.
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| 17 |
ID:
128949
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Several studies have devoted considerable energy toward explaining the occurrence of international conflicts between contiguous states. Despite the well-developed multidisciplinary approaches analyzing militarized disputes, which have predominately focused on studying the geographical dimension as an additional explanatory predictor of rivalry disputes, only very few research papers have considered modelling the duration of conflicts between neighbouring states. Using the event history analysis, we propose, rather than investigating the standard theoretical questions of why neighbouring states do fight each other, or alternatively, what factors commonly influence the dispute outcomes between those rival countries, instead to answer the question: Once it breaks out, what role does the geographic proximity of opponent states play when interacting with other factors, extending or conversely shortening the crisis period? One of the most relevant insights of the present work is that disputes that occur between adjacent countries tend to be shorter when joint democracies are involved, and when countries are dependent economically on each other. The presence of a territorial issue at stake or a long history of hostility over disputed areas tends to prolong the tension period as those disputes often include nationalism dimensions that increase the difficulty of reconciling the divergent views on the issues at stake. On the contrary, the present research does not provide strong support for some of the theoretical suggestions formulated by certain scholars regarding the positive correlation between the nature of opposing powers and the duration of conflict between neighbours.
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| 18 |
ID:
064714
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| 19 |
ID:
054251
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| 20 |
ID:
152419
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