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| 1 |
ID:
123356
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
[W]ithout gradual but bold reform of the legal system, media openness, and a more accountable and representative political structure, the next phase of economic reform will not go far.
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| 2 |
ID:
018649
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2001.
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| Description |
17-90
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| 3 |
ID:
119179
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay challenges the widely held view of the CCP's purported "resilient authoritarianism," which asserts that China's one-party political system is able to enhance the state capacity to govern effectively through institutional adaptations and policy adjustments. An analysis of the recent and still unfolding Bo Xilai crisis reveals the flaws in China's political system, including nepotism and patron-client ties in the selection of leaders, rampant corruption, the growing oligarchic power of state-owned enterprises, elites' contempt for the law and the potential failure to broker deals between competing factions in the Party leadership. The essay argues that the CCP's "authoritarian resilience" is a stagnant system, both conceptually and empirically, because it resists much-needed democratic changes in the country. The problems of the resilient authoritarianism thesis is traceable to the monolithic conceptualizing of China - the failure to appreciate seemingly paradoxical transformative trends in the country, which this essay characterizes as three paralleled developments, namely, 1) weak leaders, strong factions; 2) weak government, strong interest groups; and 3) weak Party, strong country. One should not confuse China's national resilience (in terms of the emerging middle class, new interest group politics, and dynamic society) with the CCP's capacity and legitimacy to rule the country. The essay concludes that if the CCP intends to regain the public's confidence and avoid a bottom-up revolution, it must abandon the notion of "authoritarian resilience" and embrace a systematic democratic transition with bold steps towards intra-Party elections, judicial independence and a gradual opening of the mainstream media.
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| 4 |
ID:
094662
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Labor migration is institutionally restricted within China under the hukou system, China's registration system. However, what is the pecuniary impact of labor immobility on interregional wage inequality? To answer this question, we derive a simple wage gap equation including educational attainment, market potential and provincial border indicators. The regressions based on city and sector-level data show that, other things being equal, the wage dispersions within Chinese provincial borders are significantly less pronounced than those among provinces. Such border effects on spatial wage differentials, which have been shown to pervasively exist in all sectors considered in the present paper, reflect the distortions generated by migration controls. Finally, we show that despite the recent hukou reforms aimed at relaxing the restrictions on population movement, border effects appear to persisted over the period 2003-2005
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| 5 |
ID:
114585
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The transformation of China from an all-powerful strongman-dominated political system to its current structure of collective leadership has generated new institutional rules and norms in elite politics. Over the past decade, top Chinese leaders have begun using the term "intra-Party democracy" to describe the idea that the Communist Party of China (CPC) should institutionalise checks and balances within its leadership. This development in turn has affected political dynamics and elite behaviours. This article reviews the CPC's institutional development in the reform era and discusses the challenges and opportunities that the CPC is encountering on the eve of the 18th Party Congress.
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