| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
126302
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
169230
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article discerns the shifts in China's engagement with its Western neighbour, Afghanistan. Beijing's approach has gradually shifted from dis-interest to a careful re-calibration of strategy indicating Afghanistan's growing eminence in its strategic calculus. This transposition – dating back to the 1980's – it is argued has been accentuated as the ‘West’ weans itself away from the Afghan theatre. This article demonstrates that Beijing's chequered history of engagement with Kabul has been historically underpinned by its engagement with a plethora of actors identified with ‘political Islam’ who in turn are patronized by its allies in Rawalpindi. Its deepening footprint in contemporary Afghanistan while continuing to be coloured by the prism of Rawalpindi, is informed by a growing sense of unease regarding the perceived adverse imprint that developments across China's Western borders are likely to leave on its domestic security and growing economic interests in the region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
138737
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines China’s concern to prevent terrorism and maintain stability in Central Asia through the SCO. The situation in Afghanistan has raised concerns among SCO member countries and strengthened common interests to maintain the regional organization, regime stability, and economic co-operation within it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
127968
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
110149
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
069065
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
158092
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Pan-Turkism emerged in the middle of the 19th century as an attempt to uniting all Turkic people along the Silk Road from the Mediterranean to China. After the ascent of modern Turkey under Mustafa Kemal as well as the Soviet incorporation of Central Asia, pan-Turkism had practically withered – although apparently not as an ideology. Indeed, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the Central Asia republics have provided for the revival of the pan-Turkism vision, perceived by Beijing as a threat not only to its interests in Central Asia but, moreover, to Xinjiang’s internal stability and China’s sovereignty. While this vision could hardly be accomplished, China’s intensive preoccupation with pan-Turkism has facilitated its artificial resuscitation, though it appears already deceased. Xi Jinping’s One Belt One Road initiative aims, among other things, at blocking pan-Turkism.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
143059
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Pentagon Press, 2016.
|
| Description |
xiv, 380p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
9788182748859
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058437 | 355.005095/MUN 058437 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058438 | 355.005095/MUN 058438 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
138359
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
129269
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article offers information regarding counterpart support policy opportunities by Xinjiang. It mentions that the counterpart support work has started in accordance with the disposition of the National Xinjiang counterpart support work meeting and the central Xinjiang Work Forum, with coordination by the National development and reform commission, the nineteen provinces and cities are undertaking research work, defined work programs, and working on special plans for support work.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
080409
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Efforts to promote and impose Mandarin Chinese as the language of instruction in ethnic minority schools in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, aimed at further integrating the state and raising regional educational and economic quality, have had mixed success. The 2004 plan to consolidate Han Chinese and minority elementary and middle schools and to make Mandarin the universal language of instruction in those schools is fostering an immersive second-language environment without prior preparation for students, bringing native speakers of Mandarin into unfair competition with non-native speakers. The increased focus on Mandarin has already had grave consequences for ethnic relations, especially in urban Uyghur schools, where the project is focused, while the mandate for change in educational curriculum and methodology has also been poorly planned and remains under-resourced, negatively impacting educational quality. The Chinese government has available to it other language policy solutions that are both more workable and friendlier to minority sensibilities.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
148510
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses strategies of minority education currently in place in Xinjiang in the context of the second generation ethnic policy debate in China. The article argues that the 2009 ethnic riots in Xinjiang coupled with the change of leadership in China has significantly hardened the state’s approach to aggressively promoting Putonghua (standard Chinese). This policy is facing significant structural and political challenges in its implementation and acceptance in Xinjiang. The policy to universalise Putonghua in all Xinjiang schools is likely to produce more resistance to the statist agenda rather than resulting in the intended outcome of integration.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
019112
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2001.
|
| Description |
160-214
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
121960
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the extensive literature on global slavery and servitude, human bondage in Xinjiang (Eastern Turkestan) during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been largely neglected. Here bondage did not discriminate between ethnic, racial or religious groups and fulfilled a wide range of social, economic, and political functions, reflecting both the region's geographical position at the edge of Central Asia and its political position-first as a dependency and then as a province of Qing China. This paper discusses the nature of the forms of bondage that emerged in this unique geopolitical setting and suggests that the emancipation of Xinjiang's 'British' slaves at the end of the nineteenth century and the gradual decline of bondage resulted from a convergence of local, regional, and global forces.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
192976
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines how China perceives Central Asia under Europeanisation after the Cold War (1992-2022). Central Asia is a geo-economically significant frontier zone between China and the European Union (EU). The EU released the Central Asia strategies in 2007 and 2019. Although there were no immediate policy reactions from neighbouring China, we can sketch China’s seemingly paradoxical perceptions of the region by scrutinising official narratives. The perceptions have been simplified into the bridge-base dyad. As a land bridge, Central Asia connects China with the EU, the role of which gained growing significance against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. As a possible ideological base, Central Asia, under Europeanisation, may spread incompatible norms to the contiguous Xinjiang. Wary of creeping foreign hostile forces, China particularly underlines Xinjiang’s stability.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
147193
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought profound changes to the borderlands of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Xinjiang. In eastern Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan’s Gorno-Badakhshan region, present-day weaknesses in territorial control of the post-Soviet state’s edges are directly wedded to borderlanders’ memories of Soviet-era practices of bordering, perceived locally as both systemically stronger and cognitively more beneficial to local lifeworlds than contemporary ‘Chinese penetration’. Across the border in Xinjiang, a formerly distant state has been brought into borderlanders’ locales and inscribed into everyday lifeworlds through novel manifestations of the state, which significantly affect cross-border interaction. By comparing how borderlanders on both sides of this frontier themselves choose to characterize border processes between ‘their’ states in the initial two decades of connections to Xinjiang, I explore how and why Kyrgyz and Tajik/Pamiri borderlanders voice strong opinions about what it is they feel has changed in these administrative-territorial homelands. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork on both sides of this frontier, I argue that the gradual bridging of this formerly sealed border has led to neither the development of a new trans-frontier identity nor locally established trans-frontier networks but, instead, reconfirmed borders between China and Central Asia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
127340
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
192624
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Industrial parks in north-west China occupy a liminal space between labour camps and private industry. Drawing on worker interviews, government documents, industry materials and images this article shows that for-profit public-private industrial parks have been built as part of a “camp fix” mechanism centred on detaining and “re-educating” Uyghurs and Kazakhs at the periphery of the nation. It argues that these industrial parks concentrate forms of repressive assistance and “dormitory labour regimes” that operate at other frontiers of Chinese state power and point these strategies of disempowerment towards a seemingly permanent, ethno-racialized underclass, producing a “re-education labour regime.” It further argues that the material infrastructures of these surveiled and policed spaces themselves are productive in enforcing the goals of the “camp fix”: the creation of high-quality, underpaid, docile and non-religious Muslim workers who are controlled through the built environment.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
118466
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
129259
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
During the reform era, the Chinese government's policies in Xinjiang have changed from accommodating to hardening. The alienation of ethnic minorities caused by the Cultural Revolution necessitated loosening of controls on cultural and religious freedom. With increasing incidents of disturbance leading up to the late 1980s, however, the Chinese government became more coercive on internal security and more generous with economic and development assistance. The global war against Islamic terrorism allowed China to justify a crackdown on the re-sistance in Xinjiang. The 2009 Ürümqi riot proved that the government's policies had failed to stabilize the region, but the Chinese government's countermeasure was to step up, not drop, the repressive policies
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|