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| 1 |
ID:
169364
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| Summary/Abstract |
Africa’s relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been strained over the past few years. Threats by a number of African states to withdraw from the ICC’s jurisdiction have marked a crescendo in the strained relationship. This study looks at the issues surrounding the proposed or threatened mass withdrawal by African countries and the implications for peace and justice in the African continent. Utilising interviews with a cross section of key informants including members of the African diplomatic community resident in Zimbabwe, this study highlights that it is difficult for African states to withdraw en masse since not all states are agreeable to this stance. The study further highlights that although the ICC is not a perfect institution, it is the only alternative court of last resort that can deal with human rights and international humanitarian law violations as well as impunity in the continent. The proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) has not yet taken root owing to a shortage of adequate ratifications of the protocol establishing it.   Thus, although concerns of unfair targeting of African leaders and individuals by the ICC could be considered valid, African states need to find a way of establishing a cordial relationship with the ICC to ensure the protection of individual rights while they establish regional institutions to deal with cases currently being referred to the ICC.
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| 2 |
ID:
055787
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| 3 |
ID:
055029
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| 4 |
ID:
147547
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whether and how violence can be controlled to spare innocent lives is a central issue in international relations. The most ambitious effort to date has been the International Criminal Court (ICC), designed to enhance security and safety by preventing egregious human rights abuses and deterring international crimes. We offer the first systematic assessment of the ICC's deterrent effects for both state and nonstate actors. Although no institution can deter all actors, the ICC can deter some governments and those rebel groups that seek legitimacy. We find support for this conditional impact of the ICC cross-nationally. Our work has implications for the study of international relations and institutions, and supports the violence-reducing role of pursuing justice in international affairs.
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| 5 |
ID:
106899
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After months of bombing, NATO achieved only a stalemate in Libya. That disappointing result may reflect NATO's commitment to respect "international humanitarian law," now understood to impose severe limits on military operations that might harm civilians. This body of rules is a departure from traditional understandings of the law of war. The embrace of these inhibiting rules raises serious questions about whether western nations are now prepared to fight and win actual wars.
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| 6 |
ID:
167219
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2018, Prime Minister Trudeau made two announcements regarding the International Criminal Court, both, it seems, aimed at reinforcing Canada’s claim of human rights promotion and multilateralism: Canada declared Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingya people genocide and urged the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, and it joined a collective referral of the Venezuela situation to the Court. As public measures of support, these are positive developments for the International Criminal Court, which has been suffering poor public relations and challenges to its legitimacy. However, Canada could do more by better supporting the financial viability of the Court. Currently, it aims to increase the Court’s workload without supporting an increased budget, as reflected in Canada’s involvement at the December 2018 Assembly of States Parties meeting. A seemingly sure way to undermine the International Criminal Court would be to add to its workload without ensuring it has the financial resources to do the work.
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| 7 |
ID:
069364
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| 8 |
ID:
057304
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| 9 |
ID:
058963
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| 10 |
ID:
064533
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| 11 |
ID:
089142
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the past half-decade, those Americans following international affairs have been inundated by media accounts of genocide in Darfur, supplemented by full-page advertisments in the major newspaper, sponsored mostly by the save Darfur Coalition.
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| 12 |
ID:
054356
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| 13 |
ID:
055990
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| 14 |
ID:
138327
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| 15 |
ID:
066348
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| 16 |
ID:
170259
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| Summary/Abstract |
The recent decision by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Mrs Fatou Bensouda, to launch preliminary investigations into the alleged deportation of 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar to Bangladesh as a possible crime against humanity is part of a growing push to punish Myanmar’s military leaders for large-scale human rights violations committed during army ‘clearance operations’ in Northern Rakhine State (ICC 2018). The operations, which were launched in response to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on some thirty government security posts on 25 August 2017, were found by international human rights organisations to have systematically targeted civilians, including mass killings, rape and the destruction of scores of villages (UNHRC 2018), thus causing the mass exodus.
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| 17 |
ID:
057186
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| 18 |
ID:
068249
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| 19 |
ID:
061637
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| 20 |
ID:
022627
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| Publication |
Oct 5, 2002.
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| Description |
413-4115
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