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| 1 |
ID:
120211
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the increased linkage between domestic and foreign policy that has been a consequence of democratization and globalization in Korea. It argues that while prior to 1987 foreign policy-making saw very little public input, and while democratization did not lead to a weakening of domestic political institutions nor a rise in nationalism, it did open up domestic political space where foreign policy-making increasingly became part of the contentious electoral competition. The globalization policy, initiated with the purpose of raising Korea's international status, which has remained a goal of succeeding administrations, created a complex interdependency which led to a breakdown in the separation between the domestic and international, and that often brought with it a domestic backlash. As a consequence foreign policy-making, in the absence of a tradition of political compromise, increasingly runs the risk of either inconsistency, or even deadlock.
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| 2 |
ID:
163080
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This article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe.
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| 3 |
ID:
191300
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ASEAN has not yet had any joint policy to constrain emission levels in the context of global efforts to tackle climate change and studies on such issues in the region are still scarce. This study employs a global computable general equilibrium (CGE) climate change policy-focused and electricity-detailed model to examine the impacts of emissions trading schemes (ETSs) on the ASEAN member economies. We found that Indonesia (a permit buyer) experiences much lower economic costs in the regional ETS scenarios rather than in its closed ETS market (−9% compared to −16% in real GDP). Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam act as permit sellers and experience higher economic costs in the regional ETS scenarios. It is because the balance on the current account, which is equal to the sum of the ordinary trade balance and net emissions trading revenue, is assumed to be fixed. Furthermore, the change in ratio of trade balance to regional income is also fixed. Such a setting indicates that if the net permit trading revenue is used to fully compensate for the trade balance, which is also maintained along with the changes in the regional income, permit selling countries will be worse off and vice versa if they move from their domestic ETS markets into a regional ETS market. Results also show that technological improvements can help reduce economic costs of the ETSs. In addition, renewable energy sources show strong expansions in their production levels, but they are still far from becoming dominant in ASEAN in order to significantly reduce economic costs of climate change policies. Households will also increase their demand for renewable energy in all ASEAN countries while lowering demand for fossil-based energy; however, this sector will still experience reductions in the overall electricity demand due to previous strong reliance on fossil-based energy.
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| 4 |
ID:
130997
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Decisions in international institutions such as the European Union (EU) are often made by consensus, even when it is not required. Tit-for-tat exchanges provide an explanation for this phenomenon, as such exchanges can help to build up support for agreements states might otherwise not have had an incentive to support. Tit-for-tat exchanges are typically analyzed as trades of support across agreements. However, we argue that the priority of negotiators to further their national and bureaucratic interests makes exchanges across micro-level issues within a single proposal for agreement more prevalent than exchanges across agreements. Using both qualitative and quantitative analyses, we show that such within-agreement, rather than cross-agreement, linkages are related to an increased likelihood of consensus across an array of different EU agreements. To understand consensus in international institutions, more broadly, it is therefore necessary to look at the substantive issues at stake within each agreement
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| 5 |
ID:
178481
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| Summary/Abstract |
Market-oriented housing reforms and the rapid urbanization process have led to spectacular growth in the Chinese real estate sector (RES). However, the changes in the role played by this sector in the structural dynamics of the Chinese economy have not been examined sufficiently. Accordingly, we analyze the intersectoral structural changes to the Chinese RES, its linkages with the rest of the economy, and its growth sources, using four Chinese input–output tables from 2002 to 2017. We depart from existing work on the RES by using the causative matrix approach and structural decomposition analysis, and obtain three main results. First, the RES, which received little non-RES feedback during the 2002–2007 period, has subsequently received much more substantial feedback. Second, the impact of the RES on China's economic growth stems mainly from its forward linkages. Third, the growth in the RES has been driven mainly by domestic demand expansion. Our results highlight that the Chinese RES, which plays a key role in value chains, is highly dependent on its own final demand and a fall in its demand would impede economic development. An important implication of these results is that developing the national economy by stimulating the RES would not be as effective as developing the RES through stimulating the national economy.
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