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| 1 |
ID:
140688
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I show how Prime Minister Abe Shinzo has promoted two major national and international economic policies—Abenomics and Japan’s involvement in the Trans-Pacific Partnership— by focusing on his administration’s domestic political struggles. Both agendas become significant in the face of China’s regional engagement, demonstrating the inextricable ties between international affairs and domestic politics, a combination essential for grasping the “Abe effect” in foreign policy. KEYWORDS: Abenomics, TPP, decisionmaking process, agricultural reform in Japan.
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| 2 |
ID:
129969
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United States is currently negotiating two massive regional economic agreements, one with 11 Asian and Pacific Rim countries and the other with the 28-member European Union. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) herald a substantial shift in US foreign economic policy as Washington turns its focus from the stalemated Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations and scattered bilateral trade agreements to 'mega-regional' trade diplomacy. As the only party to both negotiations, Washington seeks to leverage issues in one to advance its interests in the other, while reinvigorating US global leadership.
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| 3 |
ID:
142822
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| Summary/Abstract |
Our purpose is to undertake a comparative analysis of the likely impact of tariff reduction under the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) on various macro and trade variables of the Indian economy under different scenarios. The TPP was concluded in October 2015, but it is yet to be ratified by the partner countries, and while Asian giants like India, China and Korea have not joined the TPP, there are some talks about their joining the partnership in future. Ours is a unique study that evaluates India’s perspective on joining the TPP, in terms of tariff reduction, and not in terms of the removal of non-tariff barriers. We employ the widely used standard Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model for this exercise. This is a unique framework with a global economy-wide approach, in a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) setting. Five different scenarios of complete integration in terms of tariff reduction between different regions are simulated using the GTAP model. Under each scenario, the tariff among members of a group of regions is eliminated, but is unchanged for other regions. Higher welfare arising from allocative efficiency comes with the cost of a relatively lower consumption of domestic products and investment, resulting in a loss in terms of GDP. Therefore, we conclude that there are mixed prospects and no strong reason for India to pursue being part of the TPP in future, from a perspective of tariff reductions.
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| 4 |
ID:
138926
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| Summary/Abstract |
Asia is not only the world’s most dynamic region in terms of trade, it is also an important pacesetter in trade policy. The USA is currently negotiating with 11 partner countries over a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the members of the ASEAN+6 group are in talks over a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), while Japan, China and Korea are conducting trilateral trade negotiations (China-Japan-Korea Free Trade Agreement (CJK FTA)). The multilateral structures emerging from all these initiatives could, in the long term, be combined into a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). What are the motives behind these agreements? What are their chances of being implemented? When it comes to the trade and geopolitical power struggle that encompasses these talks, does the USA or China have the upper hand? And what role remains for Europe’s trade policy?
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| 5 |
ID:
149706
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| Summary/Abstract |
THROUGHOUT THE HISTORY of human civilization, the system of international relations has been moving through radical changes toward complexity and perfection. Today, we have arrived at a unified and homogenous system of commonly accepted norms and rules of behavior approved and recognized by the absolute majority of states. This system emerged from fragments each belonging to its own specific historical stage of social development and related to political, philosophic, cultural, religious and other distinctive features of countries and regions.
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| 6 |
ID:
142783
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| Summary/Abstract |
A big question looming large over policy and theory in Asian security is how China will use its newfound wealth and power in the region and with what consequences. The United States has concluded the negotiation of Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); ASEAN has promoted the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Both frameworks seek to shape China’s regional behavior and manage rising China. In late 2013, China inaugurated the new Silk Road initiative, which has rapidly gained momentum in the country and among China’s neighbors. American public and policy makers, however, are largely unaware or baffled by the new Silk Road. The article, based on field surveys and extensive documentary analysis, provides the first roadmap on how China views TPP, RCEP, and the new Silk Road. It offers important exploration of how China acts and reacts to regional contestation and what are implications for the region.
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| 7 |
ID:
145888
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the US restarted the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) in 2009, speculation arose as to whether China would compete against it or cooperate by becoming a TPP member. Between 2010 and 2013, China shifted in stance from competition to cooperation in meeting the TPP challenge. By looking at both the economic and security dimensions, this article argues that China’s economic concern determines whether to react and its security concern determines the direction in which China reacts. Between 2010 and 2012 when security pressure was overwhelming and economic concern was not formidable, counterbalance was inevitable. In 2013, when anxiety over security pressure calmed down and economic concern grew more threatening, bandwagon became possible. This finding challenges the classical theory of the domino effect by pinpointing the importance of security consideration in where the free trade agreements (FTA) proliferation heads to. It also supplements the emulation–competition dichotomy by highlighting that whether the FTA initiator is considered a threat or a model is not fixed but contingent upon the initiator’s changing relation with the responding nation.
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| 8 |
ID:
137274
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese policy and academic communities have mixed views about the US-led TPP, either viewing it as a strategic attempt at encircling China, or as a positive spur for domestic reform and opening-up. Although the Chinese government adopted an open and flexible attitude towards the TPP, it has moved strategically by accelerating the negotiations of the RCEP and China–Korea FTA, as well as updating its FTA with ASEAN. A more interesting development is China’s new initiatives for building two grand silk roads, one to Central Asia, leading on to Europe, and the other to Southeast Asia, leading on to the Indian Ocean. Both represent China’s renewed confidence in finding its role in Asia.
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| 9 |
ID:
165152
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes a new concept of ‘contested multilateralism 2.0’ to describe the puzzling institutional building efforts by non-ASEAN members after the 2008 global financial crisis (GFC) in the Asia-Pacific. It suggests that different to ‘multilateralism 1.0’ of the 1990s, which was mainly led by ASEAN, this wave of multilateralism has been initiated by other powers, such as the United States, China, Japan, Australia and South Korea, either by forming new institutions or by reinvigorating existing ones. This article advances an institutional balancing argument. It suggests that ‘contested multilateralism 2.0’ is a result of institutional balancing among major states under the conditions of high strategic uncertainty and high economic interdependence after the GFC. One unintended consequence may be that it could well lead to a more peaceful transformation of the regional order in the Asia-Pacific if regional security hotspots, such as the Korean crisis and the South China Sea dispute, can be managed appropriately.
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| 10 |
ID:
138751
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to analyze the development of free trade agreement (FTA) policies adopted by China, Japan, and South Korea with particular interests in the trilateral FTA. It seeks to address what the determinant factors that have conditioned the development of the trilateral FTA are. While the three governments began the informal joint study of the trilateral FTA in 2003, they pursued diverse trade strategies that disturbed a shift to formal negotiations. However, China's strategy to hedge against the US influence in East Asia became a catalyst in shifting from the long-lasting study stage to the launching of negotiations. Moreover, Japan's strategy to participate in TPP negotiations as a soft balancing against China through closer political linkages with the United States weakened China's and South Korea's willingness to engage in the trilateral FTA positively. Thus, the three countries’ commitments to the trilateral FTA were primarily confined by their specific diplomatic objectives responding to the political-economic evolutions in the Asia-Pacific region.
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| 11 |
ID:
140138
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| 12 |
ID:
144992
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous research has demonstrated that EU trade mark norms found their way into New Zealand law through the World Trade Organisation agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (WTO TRIPS). This paper will give a brief résumé of that research and outline the current enquiry—whether these and related norms are likely to be re-transmitted, in identical or modified form. This could occur via the draft intellectual property chapter of the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement. While this was under discussion, the EU and USA were negotiating a Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) agreement. Although geographical indications (GIs, protected under trade mark law in the USA) have been a hot topic in TTIP negotiations, there is scant information on any possible chapter on GIs, trade marks and other forms of intellectual property in TTIP. However, US Trade Representative and TTIP negotiator Michael Froman has spoken admiringly of the intellectual property provisions in the draft TPP. If an intellectual property chapter were introduced into TTIP, it seems likely that TPP text would be adopted or adapted, bringing norms full circle back to the EU. In considering this possibility, it is suggested that the biological analogy of viral transfer of genetic code may be even more apt than that of transplants to illuminate the process of re-transmission of adopted or adapted legal norms through the medium of international treaties.
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| 13 |
ID:
143987
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| Summary/Abstract |
Thursday 4th February 2016 Auckland played host to the Washington mooted signing of the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal that many free market economists and protagonists of economic neoclassicism would tout as a momentous day for the economic future of over eight hundred million people in the Asia-Pacific Rim. While the trade ministers and representatives of twelve countries, from USA, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, Chile, Mexico, Canada, Brunei, and Peru joined the celebration to reroute the world economy to better days, thousands of protesters in several cities of the rim countries, took to the streets calling it as the biggest economic gamble of the times.
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| 14 |
ID:
141940
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| Summary/Abstract |
ECONOMIC INTEGRATION in the APR has come close to fundamental qualitative changes launched by the emerging mechanisms of multi-sided integration in trade and economies. In November 2014, in Beijing the APEC summit discussed a future Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP), a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) on the basis of ASEAN and its partners, and a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) lobbied by the U.S.
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| 15 |
ID:
152899
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| 16 |
ID:
191669
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper compares Japan’s negotiations on regulatory convergence with the United States in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and with the European Union (EU) in the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA), focusing on the motor vehicle and medical device sectors. Despite the TPP being concluded first, JEEPA moved Japan closer to EU-defined or influenced standards in both sectors. This was primarily the result of path dependence created by existing interstate institutional arrangements in motor vehicles and by transnational cooperation in medical devices, rather than of the bilateral structure of the JEEPA talks producing more focused negotiating objectives and outcomes. The case studies suggest that PTAs can play a meaningful role in advancing regulatory convergence, but mostly as locking-in mechanisms for deals reached in other forums. Therefore, simultaneous PTA negotiations provide little impetus for regulatory triadic closure in the absence of a well-established path of regulatory cooperation.
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| 17 |
ID:
146906
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that political rather than economic motivations explain Japan’s approach to services negotiations but that the Trans-Pacific Partnership and Trade in Services Agreement present Japan with opportunities to advance liberalization in services as well as to pursue political gains in the competition for regional leadership with China.
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| 18 |
ID:
145683
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| Summary/Abstract |
The politics of Japanese agricultural reform is rapidly changing. Once dependent on foreign pressure, reform is now fueled by a deepening farm crisis and a breakdown in postwar political alignments. Focusing on the Abe government’s reform of Japan Agricultural Cooperatives, we explore Japan’s expanding capacity for executive leadership in the farm sector on behalf of market-oriented change.
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| 19 |
ID:
158499
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tracing the mechanisms of policy change, recent studies of knowledge regimes in Western democracies have examined the reciprocal relationship between a state’s institutional features and the role of think tanks in the production and dissemination of policy ideas. This paper expands the focus to East Asia and examines the role of think tanks in Japan. With a strong bureaucracy functioning as the primary repository for policy expertise, Japan’s developmental state has long been discouraging the creation of independent think tanks. Yet, Japan’s bureaucratic and electoral reforms in the 1990s have opened new access points to the policy process, encouraging the growth of new think tanks in addition to Japan’s semi-governmental and corporate research organizations. By looking at the Abe government’s national security discourse and Japan’s debate on participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement during the period 2012 to 2015, this article assesses the role of external policy advice in Japan’s post-developmental state. The study illustrates the link between Japan’s changing political system, the changing nature of its knowledge regime, and the structural conditions under which think tanks yield influence in Japan. By doing so, this article offers evidence of an increasingly competitive think-tank landscape structured along the conservative and progressive political spectrum of policy ideas, and unpacks the strategies by which think tanks penetrate Japan’s policymaking process. However, despite the enhanced role of think tanks, the findings also point to the sustained prominence of individual intellectuals and academics in advising Japan’s decision makers.
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| 20 |
ID:
143122
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the beginning of October 2015 the world map of trading and economic alliances underwent an unprecedented transformation with the conclusion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement. The Trans-Pacific Partnership is the largest regional integration group in the Pacific region built on the basis of a free trade zone. The TPP accounts for almost 40 percent of the global GDP and for nearly a third of world trade flows. Using the term coined by Vladimir Lenin, the TPP can be described as "the highest stage of regionalism," for it heralds the emergence of the first transcontinental integration group. The event will have drastic effects on trade and investment flows, and not only those in the vast expanses of the Pacific, but also on the global scale.
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