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| 1 |
ID:
164952
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sheikh Hasina stole victory in the December 2018 election by hobbling the opposition, stifling criticism, stacking the courts and election commission with her lackeys, using a “war on drugs” to target rivals, and co-opting Islamists. Meanwhile, a million immiserated Rohingyas, who fled Myanmar after a brutal crackdown, still languish in desolate camps.
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| 2 |
ID:
172477
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| Summary/Abstract |
After winning a third consecutive term as prime minister in the compromised December 2018 general election, Sheikh Hasina of the Awami League continues to consolidate one-woman rule. Throughout 2019, Hasina continued to persecute critics and opponents. Despite the deepening malaise of bad governance, Bangladesh has continued to enjoy impressive economic growth. But it remains haunted by the desperate Rohingya exodus from Myanmar, and the decades-old Bihari question.
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| 3 |
ID:
179260
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| Summary/Abstract |
Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, Bangladeshi economist Mushfiq Mobarak argued that in developing countries, lockdown-based social distancing would not be feasible to mitigate its spread. This was because they would be unable to impose restrictions, undertake mass testing, or provide adequate safety nets to the poor. Bangladesh was one of the first countries to allow the reopening of work places (as early as April 28, 2020), especially in the export-oriented garment industry, and has done economically better than its South Asian counterparts. A crucial enabling factor for this pandemic-era economic growth has been the explosive boom in digital money. On the downside, free speech has been sharply curtailed, and women’s futures were further jeopardized when the garment industry was severely hit by order cancellations. But perhaps the most frightening development is the effect of climate breakdown and the mass movement of populations within Bangladesh as well as in and out of the country.
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| 4 |
ID:
120731
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Myanmar, earlier known as Burma, is on the cusp of a transition-a process that has to pass through formidable challenges and whose outcome is still quite uncertain. Five decades of military misrule have turned Myanmar that at one time used to be the richest into the poorest in South-east Asia and in a state of decline with an abysmal record in political, economic and social spheres. To recover from that decline, the country will need good governance, political reconciliation between the government and the opposition, between various ethnic groups and the government and the removal of long years of neglect of their aspirations and empowerment, between those opposition groups that remained within the country and the exiled groups, and finally, the goodwill and support of the international community. Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar's democratic leader, has joined the political process and has become the leader of the opposition in the army-dominated parliament. She also faces formidable challenges, as she has to reconcile the wide expectations of people who still consider her as a political activist fighting for the cause and the imperatives of being a constructive politician who has no other option other than pragmatic reconciliation. Relations with China are one issue that will also impinge on future of democracy in the country.
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| 5 |
ID:
175411
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a Human Security approach, this study examines Rohyinga refugees in Thailand. The Myanmar government’s refusal to offer the Rohingya citizenship has rendered them effectively stateless, denied basic rights and protections. Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law was created in the name of indigenous ethnicity to deny nationality to the Rohingya. Myanmar’s military has repressed and massacred Rohingya on several occasions, most notably in 2012 and 2017. Consequently, more than a million Rohingya have fled abroad, with a relatively small number going to Thailand. The purpose of this study is to examine how the Thai government treats the displaced Rohingya and to what extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for Southern Thailand. After intensive field work and meeting with different stakeholders, this paper argues that Thailand is not a popular destination for Rohingyas but they have generally been brought to or through Thailand by human traffickers. Due to a lack of documents, Thai authorities have often sent Rohingya to detention centers or deported them. This study did not find any link between displaced Rohingya and Malay Muslim insurgents. However, there is no consistent policy from the Thai government to deal with the displaced Rohingya.
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| 6 |
ID:
183878
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| Summary/Abstract |
It cannot be overstated that in recent times the gravity and complexity of irregular maritime migration have triggered concerns and debates in the academic domains of International Relations and International Law. The article examines how states' compliance with, and enforcement of,international law and legal norms would tackle the challenges of irregular migration in the Indian Ocean region. The legislative and policy challenges regarding irregular migration can be analyzed under two segments. First, there is a lack of comprehensive discussion about the sending and the receiving states' commitments (regarding irregular migrants) to international law and legal norms. Secondly, deficit of comparative analysis to show how the littoral states comply with international law norms on migration and refugee influx. Such analysis from multiple perspectives would be helpful to get insights and make policy recommendations about how effectively international law norms could be enforced through national legislation and policy framework.
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| 7 |
ID:
160368
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this piece is to analyse the data on pregnant women and new mothers in the Rohingya refugee population in Bangladesh to determine if it can be used as an indicator of increased conflict related sexual violence and ethnic cleansing. The reported data is problematised in the context of the notorious unreliability of data in emergencies. By comparing the available data with known birth rates among the Rohingya and the broad demographic patterns seen in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide the piece shows there is cause for the concerns of increasing conflict related sexual violence and ethnic cleansing. When taken with qualitative data from international organisations responding to the humanitarian crisis and refugee testimony, the paper reliably concludes the quantitative data can tell a reliable story of conflict related sexual violence and ethnic cleansing in Rakhine State. The paper also highlights the need for improved sex- and age-disaggregated data collection in emergencies.
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| 8 |
ID:
170258
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| Summary/Abstract |
The transfer and deportation of ethnically Rohingya people from Myanmar into Bangladesh is a crime against humanity demanding an international response. What role, however, should the International Criminal Court (ICC) play? On 6 September 2018 an ICC Pre-Trial Chamber ruled that the Court has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute such crimes as they are completed on the territory of a State party, Bangladesh. Myanmar is not a party to ICC Statute and has invoked the principle that treaties do not bind third parties without their consent. The case put in this commentary is that while the Pre-Trial Chamber’s approach to the law was arguable as an interpretation of the ICC Statute, it was unwise as a matter of policy. The argument is threefold. First, the Pre-Trial Chamber’s ruling is as a matter of legal method only the first-move in a process of norm-creation and persuasion. Second, it does not follow that because territorial jurisdiction in international law includes ‘objective’ jurisdiction over transboundary acts completed on a State’s territory that such jurisdiction was delegated by member States to the ICC in all cases. Finally, it is argued that international criminal tribunals do not succeed when the cooperation of necessary territorial governments (here, Myanmar) is withheld. Proceeding in this case risks becoming a quagmire of the ICC’s own creation at a time when it can little afford further risks to its legitimacy.
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| 9 |
ID:
170259
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| Summary/Abstract |
The recent decision by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Mrs Fatou Bensouda, to launch preliminary investigations into the alleged deportation of 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar to Bangladesh as a possible crime against humanity is part of a growing push to punish Myanmar’s military leaders for large-scale human rights violations committed during army ‘clearance operations’ in Northern Rakhine State (ICC 2018). The operations, which were launched in response to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on some thirty government security posts on 25 August 2017, were found by international human rights organisations to have systematically targeted civilians, including mass killings, rape and the destruction of scores of villages (UNHRC 2018), thus causing the mass exodus.
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| 10 |
ID:
174804
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| Summary/Abstract |
The goal of this paper is to present an explanation of why the Muslim governments largely abstained from even bringing up the Uyghur case with China, while the Rohingya issue provoked official condemnations by the governments in many Muslim countries. Although economic factors are most often consulted internationally, this article puts forward political factors as sufficient to explain the Muslim governments’ responses to the Xinjiang issue – primarily the domestic politics, and secondarily seeking of strategic alternatives to balance the West. In the context of hybrid political regimes in many Muslim countries, the domestic public opinion played an important role in deciding whether the government would address the issue. Effectively only Turkey presents the case where the public pays attention to the Uyghurs, and the government felt obliged to raise the issue at least to some extent.
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| 11 |
ID:
166428
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| Publication |
London, C. Hurst and Company, 2019.
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| Description |
vii, 237p.: mappbk
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| Standard Number |
9781849048743
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059680 | 950.05/ALL 059680 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
160068
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the experience of religious minorities in Myanmar between 2011 and 2017 in the context of the 2008 constitution and a new system of governance. It highlights the precarity of religious minorities and argues that neither the constitution nor the state were reliable sources of protection or redress during this period. The first section considers the multiple identities of religious minorities with regard to citizenship and national belonging. The second section elucidates how an enabling environment for Buddhist nationalism emerged and what types of actions state and non-state actors have taken with regard to religious minorities. The final section addresses the 2008 constitution and rule of law in Myanmar in order to understand the challenges for religious minorities in securing justice and protection.
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| 13 |
ID:
160406
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| Summary/Abstract |
During its second year in office, Myanmar’s NLD government made little progress on its agenda to restore peace, reduce the role of the military in politics, and raise standards of living for the poor. Instead, the dominant issues were the security crisis in Rakhine State and the exodus of half the Rohingya population.
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| 14 |
ID:
164959
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Rohingya crisis cast a long shadow over Myanmar in 2018, and prospects for the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh were bleak. The peace process with ethnic armed organizations remained stalled. Myanmar signed major investment agreements with China that could have a dramatic effect on the economy.
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| 15 |
ID:
192541
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper makes a novel contribution by examining the puzzle of one Southeast Asian nation, Myanmar, and its dramatic shift of ‘fortune’ in its international status and the domestic consequences of that shift during the decade of 2010–2020. It highlights how the country’s changing international relations affected its domestic political decision-making process. It puts forth the argument that the amount of international attention the country received since 2011 as the target of competitive courtship between China, United States, and the West in general, and the consequent feeling of being valued as a geostrategic asset, created strong conditions for overconfidence on part of Myanmar’s government and military. This favorable international environment also coincided with perceived progress in democratization domestically. Similar to its past patterns of behavior toward ethnic minorities, the Myanmar military and the government overestimated their likelihood of success in dealing with the Rohingya minority while underestimating the likelihood of punishment by the international community.
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| 16 |
ID:
124939
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| 17 |
ID:
145852
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses a key issue that remains under-studied in discussions of Buddhist–Muslim hostility and violence in the northern Rakhine state in Myanmar. It reveals how the public narratives of both Rakhine Buddhist and Muslim political parties rely on the concept of ‘indigeneity’ to assert their claims as citizens and rightful sons of the soil, and to discredit the other’s position. This paper argues that this discourse, and the debate as it is presently formulated, has deepened the gap between two communities and obscured opportunities for identifying common ground that could be leveraged to foster more pragmatic approaches to deep-seated communal problems.
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| 18 |
ID:
170976
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the applicability of the notion of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in reference to the crisis faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar, and it discusses why the R2P has limited usefulness in certain cases. Since R2P came to be recognized by ASEAN, ongoing community-building activities within the ASEAN led to optimism that member countries would give increased attention to human rights, despite the organization’s historic practice of non-intervention in individual states’ internal affairs. However, the ASEAN’s stance regarding the Rohingya crisis can be described as all talk and no action. While recognizing the value of the R2P in protecting people from mass atrocities in certain contexts, the article points out the critical flaw that R2P rests on a particular discourse of sovereignty. Thus, it argues that the R2P not only has limited usefulness in the case of the Rohingya (whom Myanmar treats as stateless non-citizens) but could even exacerbate the situation.
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| 19 |
ID:
162426
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| Summary/Abstract |
In Myanmar, hostilities between the majority Burmese and the minority Rakhine people on one side and the minority Rohingya on the other side have been common, but violence has persisted and even increased during the unstable transition away from an authoritarian regime. Most Burmese citizens appear to be united behind the ruling elites on the Rohingya issue. Why is the violence assumed to be of ethnic origin and whose interests are served by the acceptance of such violent acts as routine events? The article attempts to seek answers by following Brass’s framework on Hindu–Muslim violence in India. Its purpose is to examine which actors, mechanisms and institutional developments have been dominant and significant in the re-ethnicisation of the political landscape in Myanmar and how this has consolidated the formation of a contentious and contested specific Rohingya group identity among many Arakanese Muslims.
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| 20 |
ID:
162690
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the vulnerable southeastern Bangladeshi city, Cox’s Bazar, an estimated 1 million Rohingyas languish in spartan refugee camps following brutal ethnic cleansing from their homes in Rakhine, a state over the border in western Myanmar (see Figure 1).1
1 Official estimates suggest that 888,111 have arrived in Bangladesh following the vicious military action against the Rohingya by Myanmar’s Tatmadaw, the country’s armed forces. As of June 30, 2018, the UNHCR claims that there is 888,111 individuals and 204,472 families housed in the sprawling camp complex in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar. UNHCR, “Bangladesh Refugee Emergency Population factsheet (as of June 30, 2018),” July 4, 2018, https://data2.unhcr.org/en/documents/download/64651. Also see International Crisis Group, “Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis Enters a Dangerous New Phase,” International Crisis Group Asia Report no. 292 (Belgium: International Crisis Group, December 7, 2017): https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/292-myanmar-s-rohingya-crisis-enters-a-dangerous-new-phase.pdf. However, Bangladeshi and international NGO officials interviewed by me in June of 2018 assert that the number is more like 1 million. This is in addition to Rohingya in the country from previous exoduses from Myanmar.
View all notes
This was not the first—nor likely to be the last—catastrophe to fall upon the Rohingya, but it has been the most devastating since anti-Rohingya violence in the country began escalating in the early 1990s. Since independence from the British in 1948, the Rakhine state has generally been neglected by Myanmar’s capital, Naypyidaw, affecting the state’s Buddhists, Muslims (not all of whom are Rohingya), Christians, animists and others. There is a long-standing belief among the Buddhist majority that Muslims seek to undermine Myanmar’s Theraveda Buddhist identity, stemming from fears of Rohingya Muslims in particular, but increasingly toward all Muslims in Myanmar generally. Myanmar’s extremist clergy, called Sangha, and their followers are joined by counterparts in Sri Lanka and Thailand who also espouse conspiratorial canards of Muslims weaponizing their fertility and male virility to achieve numerical, social, religious and cultural dominance in these countries, and thus eradicate Theraveda Buddhism in those nations.
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