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| 1 |
ID:
120819
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this paper I address the question of how Chinese scholars participate in scientific knowledge production by appropriating Western IR theories, primarily by examining interactions between North American theories that claim universality and China-specific IR efforts. Drawing on post-Mao era publications and books, I discuss how increasingly independent Chinese IR scholars are portraying their country's rising status in international politics and identifying China's national interests, while still emphasizing socialist concepts such as anti-hegemonism. The result is a form of Chinese IR scholarship that combines Western IR language with a worldview that emphasizes a modern China within the context of traditional socialist foreign policy norms. I will argue that Chinese scholarly discussions about IR theory building reflect efforts to present 'their rising China' (as individually perceived) in the study, research, and development of IR theory in response to the appearance of modern IR methods that require new definitions and new roles for old socialist forms. In this context, identity concerns are more important than the actual theories being established or appropriated.
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| 2 |
ID:
120810
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This analysis of the dangerous forces increasingly dynamizing Beijing-Washington relations explains why the usual proposals for increasing the cooperative aspects of USA-PRC relations will not succeed. It builds on the policy analysis and policy proposals of others who understand what a disaster it would be if China-America relations were to continue to grow worse. It makes a suggestion for restructuring the institutions of the international political economy so as to construct fundamental over-lapping interests between America and China. The author finds that without some difficult and basic changes in the relations, worst case outcomes become ever more probable.
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| 3 |
ID:
120815
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's new assertiveness in the South China Sea has arisen from the growth of its military power, its 'triumphalism' in the wake of the Western financial crisis and its heightened nationalism. The other littoral states of the South China Sea have been troubled by the opacity of Chinese politics and of the process of military decision-making amid a proliferation of apparently separately controlled maritime forces. The more active role being played by the United States in the region, in part as a response to Chinese activism, has troubled Beijing. While most of the ASEAN states have welcomed America as a hedge against growing Chinese power, their economies have become increasingly dependent upon China and they don't want to be a party to any potential conflict between these two giants. The problem is that there is no apparent resolution to what the Chinese call, in effect, these 'indisputable disputes'.
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| 4 |
ID:
120814
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China is currently not only the most populous country on earth, but also the world's largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter. As China's population growth continues contributing to the overall global population increase, the country remains a significant player in the global problems related to climate change. The Chinese government, however, has recognized that a low-carbon economy is in the country's long-term economic and social interests and this is now a key part of its national development strategy. This paper examines the evolution of policies for sustainability in China and explores their compositions, functions and operational mechanisms. Some emerging features and trends in China's development model are examined, arguing that they represent a clear shift towards sustainability. Further problems and challenges associated with this change and how they impact on China's policies and strategies are also discussed.
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| 5 |
ID:
120816
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beginning in 2004, the Chinese central government introduced the concept of boards of directors to wholly state-owned enterprise groups (guoyou duzi qiye jituan, ). Increasingly, creating external boards (waibu dongshi, ) has also been emphasized to realize effective corporate governance. This latest state effort exemplifies how the Chinese party-state is searching for feasible-but not necessarily the best-ways to accommodate market-oriented institutions with local political-economic realities, thus creating its own regime of corporate governance. To this end, this study examines the rise of external boards, standing committees, and the rules of two-way interventions (shuangxiang jinlu, ).
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| 6 |
ID:
120813
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Whether government has the political will and capacity to control pollution is crucial for environmental outcomes. A vast country such as China, with centralized policymaking but idiosyncratic local implementation of environmental regulations and drastic regional disparities in wealth, raises the question of how does the central government stimulate local environmental commitment to accommodate such diversity? In exploring this issue, this paper compares three national environmental management programs that are used as influencing and bargaining tools between the central and local governments of China: Quantitative Examination of Comprehensive Control of Urban Environment (1989), Model City for Protecting the Environment (1997) and pilot Green Gross Domestic Product (2005). Although the introduction of these schemes represents an important step forward in addressing demanding environmental issues their impact is found to be mixed. However, each scheme also has something important to offer to this particular realm of environmental management and by recognizing and compiling their comparative advantages a number of policy implications for future local commitment towards and capacity for environmental protection can be provided.
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| 7 |
ID:
120818
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The development of China's online game industry provides an example of the interaction of new technologies and politics in the commercialization and globalization of China's cultural economy. The analysis of online games about China's Resistance War against Japan (1937-1945) highlights the interplay of the state's political agenda, business interests, and nationalistic sentiments as online games are planned, designed, and consumed in contemporary China. It reveals that the Party-state has candidly integrated online game technology into its expanding propaganda domain and utilized it for propagating official ideology and sustaining economic growth.
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| 8 |
ID:
120811
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Decentralized governance is often viewed as an effective way to improve public services and government accountability. Many also document the negative dimensions of fiscal decentralization, especially in transition economies; thus, the combination of decentralization and centralized control has gained currency in some countries in recent years. Based on first-hand data and other documentary sources, and using civil service remuneration as an example, this paper attempts to explore how decentralized governance works in China and what hinders decentralization from performing better. The findings show that Chinese centralized control over expenditure in public sector remuneration primarily serves to enhance ministry control. Local bureaucrats, meanwhile, exploit better remuneration to boost their personal interests. This paper argues that political commitment rather than central transfer is greatly needed for utilizing the benefits of decentralized governance.
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| 9 |
ID:
120812
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is argued in our paper that current studies of civil society in China, which place too much emphasis on its 'independence', are neither practical nor conducive to the sound development of China's civil society, because an adversarial intensification is likely to arise between the state and society. As is shown in our empirical study, despite the fundamental control imposed by the government, Wenzhou Business Association is actively involved in industry governance, constantly empowered by the government, and thus gradually achieves growth and development. This leads to a conclusion that it appears to be a rather more realistic developmental path for China's civil society for associations to make full use of the government's expanding space and to actively participate in public governance.
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| 10 |
ID:
120817
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on first-hand field research data, this paper explores the construction of a 'Farmers' City' in Wenzhou in the early 1980s. It studies the actors, their relationships, and the institutions, and proposes a 'state-society interdependence model'. It concludes that the spontaneous, bottom-up urbanization process initiated by farmers as described in the texts was actually the win-win result of an interactive and interdependent relationship between the farmers and local government. The reasons are: (1) the actors, including the local government, the specialized farmers (zhuanye hu), and the other farmers, collectively owned, controlled, and obtained the resources; (2) in terms of the mobilization-response process, the close patron-client ties between the farmers and local government formed a strong interdependent relationship; and (3) in terms of the institutional reforms, the folk interests and demands were always a reference point for the local government. The farmers and their government were partners, participants, and practitioners in grassroots institutional reform.
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