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| 1 |
ID:
130779
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| 2 |
ID:
132353
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is commonly believed that torture is an effective tool for combating an insurgent threat. Yet while torture is practiced in nearly all counterinsurgency campaigns, the evidence documenting torture's effects remains severely limited. This study provides the first micro-level statistical analysis of torture's relation to subsequent killings committed by insurgent and counterinsurgent forces. The theoretical arguments contend that torture is ineffective for reducing killings perpetrated by insurgents both because it fails to reduce insurgent capacities for violence and because it can increase the incentives for insurgents to commit future killings. The theory also links torture to other forms of state violence. Specifically, engaging in torture is expected to be associated with increased killings perpetrated by counterinsurgents. Monthly municipal-level data on political violence are used to analyze torture committed by counterinsurgents during the Guatemalan civil war (1977-94). Using a matched-sample, difference-in-difference identification strategy and data compiled from 22 different press and NGO sources as well as thousands of interviews, the study estimates how torture is related to short-term changes in killings perpetrated by both insurgents and counterinsurgents. Killings by counterinsurgents are shown to increase significantly following torture. However, torture appears to have no robust correlation with subsequent killings by insurgents. Based on this evidence the study concludes that torture is ineffective for reducing insurgent perpetrated killings.
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| 3 |
ID:
131049
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given the contemporary political situation and the interlocking concerns with effecting control over crime and terrorism, and the way in which intelligence-oriented logics are being proposed as a key component of the toolkit for such tasks [u]nderstanding the epistemological and ontological basis of intelligence work is an important undertaking. 1
Intelligence inquiry has previously been conducted mainly in the domain of national security, clandestine operations, and military activities. In the last two decades, intelligence has branched out in domains other than those traditionally and strictly related to national security, such as criminal intelligence within policing. The increased emphasis on intelligence and intelligence-led investigations is evident in existing policing strategies, especially when policing organized and serious crime. 2 An underlying assumption in this tendency is that intelligence contributes to the rationalization of crime control, and will enable informed decisions, ensure police efficiency, and meet the "need for an objective, decision-making framework.
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| 4 |
ID:
127929
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic numbers have come to define our world. Individuals, organizations, and governments assess how they are doing based on what these numbers tell them. Economists and analysts loosely refer to statistics measuring GDP, unemployment, inflation, and trade deficits as "leading indicators" and subscribe to the belief that these figures accurately reflect reality and provide unique insights into the health of an economy. Taken together, leading indicators create a data map that people use to navigate their lives. That map, however, is showing signs of age. Understanding where the map came from should help explain why it has become less reliable than ever before.
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| 5 |
ID:
131883
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| 6 |
ID:
131076
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| 7 |
ID:
131415
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The outbreak of the First World War remains a great historical puzzle and a source of concern, for if we do not understand how it came about we run the risk of stumbling into a similar catastrophe. This article draws parallels between the world of 1914 and the present. It starts with comfortable assumptions made by so many, then and now, that a major conflict was impossible or improbable and then looks at the paradox that globalization not only made the world more interdependent and linked, but also fostered intense local and national identities. It suggests factors that propelled Europe to war in 1914, including national rivalries, imperialism, the arms race and a shifting power balance between rising and declining powers, as well as ideologies and assumptions such as Social Darwinism and militarism, and points out that similar forces and ideas are present today. The article also stresses the dangerous complacency that can arise as a result of decision-makers having successfully dealt with a series of crises. European decision-makers also assumed that they could successfully use war as an instrument of policy and largely ignored or explained away the mounting evidence that the advantage in conflict was swinging to the defence. Again, as the author points out, there are disquieting parallels with the present.
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| 8 |
ID:
136069
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| Publication |
France, Gallimard, 2014.
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| Description |
149p.Hbk
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| Contents |
Contains Photographs
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| Standard Number |
9782070146802
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058087 | 940.3/DAS 058087 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 9 |
ID:
132807
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the Chinese main offensive in the Eastern Theatre was directed against the Tawang - Bomdi La Sector, the subsidiary was launched in the Walong Sector. The Chinese aim was to annihilate the Indian troops deployed in Walong Sector and in the process advance upto their claim line of 07 Nov 1959, i.e. almost the foothills. Initially on the Indian side, Walong Sector was the responsibility of 5 Infantry Brigade which was part of 4 Infantry Division. It was the Assam Rifles which manned the border posts. In response to occasional Chinese incursions through the Lohit Valley, 2 RAJPUT was moved into the area. In Mar 1962, it was replaced by 6 KUMAON.'
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| 10 |
ID:
128073
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Oslo accords have been the subject of considerable debate ever since the
first agreement was signed in 1993. Most of the literature on the agreements
has dealt with their impact on the occupied territories (e.g. the growth of
settlements, the separation barrier, restrictions on movement), to the near
exclusion of the situation inside the Green Line. This essay, by contrast, focuses
on Oslo's consequences with regard to the status of the Palestinian citizens of
Israel, and the way that the conflict is conceptualized by Israeli Jewish society.
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| 11 |
ID:
133960
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2014.
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This article investigates how a collective memory of trauma was produced in the course of commemorating the 2-28 Incident in the context of the 2004 election campaign, and how this memory production led to the parallel formation of a Taiwanese national identity. The 2-28 Hand-in-Hand Rally was designed to remember the 2-28 Incident as a historical trauma in order to be forgotten. The remembering of the 2-28 Incident must be regarded as a constructive process as opposed to a retrieval process. The memory of the 2-28 Incident was selectively constituted in favor of sovereign power.
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| 12 |
ID:
131654
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| 13 |
ID:
132343
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2014.
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In spite of all the difficulties, the November 2013 elections in Nepal passed off for the most part peacefully and with fewer irregularities than ever before in Nepal. The electoral system was the same as the system used in 2008, with a combination of First Past the Post and Proportional Representation. The results were a defeat for the Maoists, who went from being the biggest single party to the third biggest party. The victors were the two older established parties, the Nepali Congress and the Unified Marxist-Leninists, who seem to have benefitted from the voters dissatisfaction with the Maoists' showing in government. The second big losers in the election were the parties who favoured an ethnic-based solution to Nepal's problems, though the relationship between the Madheshis and the centre remains an unsolved problem.
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| 14 |
ID:
129894
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2014.
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Despite resulting in a different party configuration, the results of the 2013 Israeli general election support a similar agenda to the one set by the previous government. A year following its establishment, all indicators suggest that the current government continues to deepen neoliberal policies. Nevertheless, this election reflects two important trends: first, an ever growing discontent in Israeli public that probably would not find a solution during the tenure of the incoming government; second, lack of interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that might generate negative long-term consequences.
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| 15 |
ID:
134144
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The author looks at the problem of the legitimacy of the 2013 presidential election in Tajikistan as a sine qua non of social and political stability and, consequently, of the country's security and territorial integrity. In Tajikistan's specific case, the election could only be legitimate if the opposition forces, primarily the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRP), which comes second after the institution of presidential power as the most influential political force, did not boycott it.
Despite the easily predicted results (another term for President Rakhmon), the IRP leaders decided to take part in the process: an Islamic revival could only take place in a politically stable Tajikistan. To gain public legitimacy for their decision, they organized a series of consultations with representatives of the public to formulate and realize the idea of an Alliance of the Reformist Forces of Tajikistan (ORST), which nominated human rights activist Oinihol Bobonazarova as its joint presidential candidate. She did not run because, after failing to present the necessary number of signatures gathered in her support to the Central Election Commission, she was not registered as a candidate. The IRP leaders abstained from voting, but denied all accusations of boycotting the election.
President Rakhmon, who won the election, and the IRP, which stuck resolutely to its course and was able to keep the Islamic revival going, were both winners. The country benefited the most-the election did not shake the frail stability, while Tajikistan's enemies lost another chance to interfere in its domestic affairs with destructive intentions.
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| 16 |
ID:
132039
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| 17 |
ID:
131095
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nigeria is currently faced with serious domestic challenges. While the state is not officially at war, it is standing on the precipice, especially with the eruption of violence occasioned by the emergence of the Boko Haram sect and the tenuous peace in the Niger Delta. With the 2015 general elections on the horizon, fears of further violence and disintegration are rife, more so because of the debate over who occupies the Presidential Villa at Abuja. President Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, seems poised for a comeback even amidst the vociferous challenge posed by the political elites of northern Nigeria. This article looks at the different scenarios that might play out in 2015. It analyses the challenges of the survival of the Nigerian state, and makes some policy recommendations that Nigeria and its people need to put into place in order to ensure its survival beyond 2015.
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| 18 |
ID:
132253
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manas Publications, 2014.
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| Description |
334p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9788170494942
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057830 | 355.033054/SAR 057830 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
131842
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE LAST QUARTER of the 20th century was marked by growing globalization, which has impacted virtually all spheres of public activity. As it gained momentum, globalization has helped revitalize international collaboration, involving the world's leading economies and global international institutions.
From the early 1990s, vivid discussions unfolded in international political and scholarly circles about a new world order, the role and place of nation states and multinational TNCs in it, and the goals and methods of foreign policy amid the growing globalization. This process confronted many countries with the need to improve their competitiveness on the world market, striking an optimal balance between domestic and foreign policy.
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| 20 |
ID:
130567
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