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| 1 |
ID:
121158
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| 2 |
ID:
121163
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Kennedy administration encountered the nine-year old Bolivian Revolution in 1961, there appeared a very real possibility that La Paz was headed toward the Soviet camp. By incorporating Bolivian fully within the new administration's development program known as the Alliance for Progress, Kennedy officials halted Bolivia's leftward drift and secured it within the US sphere of influence. This paper follows Kennedy officials' initial reaction to Bolivia in January 1961 through to its adoption of an aggressively interventionist policy of military-led development. Seizing on Bolivian leaders' interest in rapid modernization, Washington employed seemingly apolitical developmental theories for political, even imperial, ends. While failing at "development," the Kennedy administration's militarized developmental intervention succeeded at de-Communizing the Bolivian Revolution and reversing its neutralist pretentions.
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| 3 |
ID:
121164
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A thorough understanding of the Arab oil-embargo and production cuts of 1973/74 is obscured by attempts to determine its "success" or "failure" on the basis of a simplistic sender/target model. By contrast, this article analyzes the embargo as a communicative process and explores how both the embargoing and the embargoed countries constantly tried to define the contents, purpose, and legitimacy of the measures. Apart from its initially stated goal of pressuring the United States, Western Europe, and Japan to support the Arab countries in the conflict with Israel, various actors in the Arab as well as in the Western world used the embargo for a multitude of different purposes. Their largely symbolic interaction is not secondary for an understanding of the historical significance of the embargo, but the attempts to make use of the "oil-weapon" constituted its very meaning.
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| 4 |
ID:
121160
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| 5 |
ID:
121161
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The making of the Constitution was an international event consisting of envoys from the thirteen states seeking to devise a solution to two diplomatic and security crises, that amongst the units (states and regions) of the Confederation with one another and with foreign powers. Early America is often structured as a fixed "nation" in studies of the period, but it is perhaps more accurate to classify it as comprising a state-system, one which was part of a larger international system. This article reviews how this dynamic and the role of diplomacy factored into constitutional reform in the 1780s by surveying the extant scholarship in the area and through analyzing debate at the Federal Convention and the reaction of the founders to the threat of internecine and foreign war during the Confederation. It concludes by discussing how its findings point to new lines of inquiry into the early American political experience.
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| 6 |
ID:
121159
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| 7 |
ID:
121162
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The American acquisition of military and naval facilities at Chaguaramas in Trinidad during World War II led to a significant Anglo-American controversy during the late 1950s. In 1957 the Chief Minister of Trinidad, Eric Williams, began a campaign to eject the Americans from the base. Members of the Eisenhower administration regarded the campaign as evidence of anti-Americanism and the US Navy sought to undermine Williams by cooperating with his opponents. This interference was resented by British policy-makers who were planning to grant independence to Trinidad as part of a West Indian federation. The resulting Anglo-American disagreement continued until a compromise, which allowed the United States to retain the base in return for economic aid, was reached in 1961. The episode is significant in demonstrating that Washington was concerned about incipient anti-Americanism within the Anglophone Caribbean and in signifying British determination to defend their remaining colonial interests after the Suez crisis.
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| 8 |
ID:
121157
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