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| 1 |
ID:
130692
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| 2 |
ID:
094574
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
xiii, 274p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415455077
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054854 | 363.325072/JAC 054854 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
163202
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political terrorism has played an integral part in the independence struggle of several sovereign nations, and resistance and liberation movements have often had to resort to terrorism as a deliberate strategy. In the Finnish nationalist struggle for independence, a key role was played by the Jäger Movement, which combined the features of transnational war volunteerism and an underground organization. The military cooperation with Germany against the Russian Empire during the First World War, and the creation of the Finnish 27th Royal Prussian Jäger Battalion, also necessitated the establishment of a clandestine recruitment network in Finland, which effectively operated as an underground organization. During the war, the Jäger Movement was repeatedly faced with the question of resorting to reprisals and terror tactics. This process culminated in the autumn of 1916, and briefly showed signs of escalating to the level of an actual terror campaign, until it was cut short by the Russian February Revolution. Nonetheless, the accumulated propensity for political violence manifested itself during the subsequent Finnish Civil War, as well as during the far-right reaction of the early 1930s. The article approaches the question of terrorism in the Jäger Movement during this era, the issue of deploying “enforcement terror” during the independence struggle, and the subsequent distinctive participation of Jägers in state terror during the Civil War and the extreme right-wing political terror in the 1930s.
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| 4 |
ID:
119442
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Greece has one of the most sustained problems of political terrorism anywhere in the world. From the mid-1970s to the present, the country's political and socio-economic institutions have been confronted by systematic terrorist violence mainly at the hands of revolutionary guerrilla groups.
The long story of Greek terrorism was thought to have ended in the summer of 2002 with the collapse of the country's premier terrorist group and one of Europe's longest-running gangs, the notorious Revolutionary Organization 17 November (17N). 17N's dismantling and imprisonment, rather than demoralizing and emasculating the country's armed struggle movement, led instead to the emergence of new urban guerrilla groups and an increase and intensification of revolutionary violence.
In consequence, the article places Greek extremist violence in a broader political and cultural perspective and explains why it has become a permanent fixture of national public life.
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| 5 |
ID:
026850
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 1974.
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| Description |
x, 244p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0195017471
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 013696 | 956.9405/HOR 013696 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 6 |
ID:
084138
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| Publication |
London, Mansell Publishing Limited, 1988.
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| Description |
x, 203p.
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| Standard Number |
0720118522
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030342 | 303.6250956/HUS 030342 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
108033
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using a database of recent articles published in prominent political science journals, we show the rapid increase in terrorism research. Given this increased awareness and attention, we identify several problems that still plague the study of political terrorism including definitional problems that lack empirical tests, not distinguishing among different types of terrorism, and using the wrong unit of analysis when designing research. After identifying these problems-especially as they relate to the quantitative study of terrorism-we suggest some solutions. We then apply these suggestions to investigate whether changing the definition of terrorism, different types of terrorism, or changing the unit of analysis affects key predictors of terror events cross-nationally. One of our tests consists of varying the unit of observation to include directed dyads, which offers the potential to test some of the many strategic models of terrorism. Our analysis suggests that varying definitions of terrorism, such as military vs. non-military targets, might not be that consequential, whereas different types of terrorism, such as domestic vs. transnational, could be driven by fundamentally different processes. We also conclude that modeling transnational terrorism differently using directed dyads yields new and interesting insights into the process of terrorism.
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| 8 |
ID:
019043
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Jan-Feb 2001.
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| Description |
43-58
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| 9 |
ID:
063294
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