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| 1 |
ID:
120795
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the end of the Cold War, East Asia did not enter a period fraught with tension and conflict, but surprisingly maintained a relatively long period of peace. The existing literature on the East Asian security order mainly emphasizes structural or processual factors, but these approaches cannot provide an adequate explanation of the interior dynamics and mechanisms of the East Asian security order. The main reasons for the inherent instability in the current system are still unclear. In this paper, the author presents a functionalist explanation and argues that the United States and China's separate provision of the two most important public goods-security expectations and economic benefits-laid the foundation for the current security order in East Asia. However, with the rise of China and the U.S. pivot toward Asia, supplying these two types of regional public goods becomes more difficult than it was previously, and this new scenario will cause instability in the existing order.
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| 2 |
ID:
120793
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In May 2009, Taiwan took a significant step in building a modern bureaucracy by passing a statute to create a civil service neutrality system after two decades of democratization. But its agenda for building a civil service neutrality system was not modeled on that of the Western democracies. Taiwan had its own distinct agenda and followed its own path toward civil service neutrality that was adapted to the demands of a polity transformed from a party-state regime. In the case of Taiwan, the neutrality mechanism was governed by the concept of "administrative neutrality" rather than the more common concept of "political neutrality." This paper reviews and makes sense of the evolution of this concept and the neutrality system in Taiwan, and joins the debate of relevance of politics-administration dichotomy.
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| 3 |
ID:
120792
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The history of state-religion relations in Taiwan from 1945 to the present can be divided into three stages. The first stage lasted from 1945 to 1987 during which the Leninist state, for the first time in Chinese history, effectively exercised tight control over religion. In the second stage, from 1987 to 2000, the democratizing state gradually withdrew its control over religion while most religious groups tended to refrain from involvement in politics. From 2000 to the present, the democratic state and various religions have developed constructive relations involving checks and balances, and this has maximized religious freedom, helped eradicate religious discrimination, and expanded the democratic participation of religious groups in politics. This paper combines theories of the state in political economy and religious market theory to explain these changes in religion-state relations and their impact on religious freedom. In conclusion, state-religion relations in Taiwan may provide an alternative model for appropriate state intervention in religion and the involvement of religion in politics in transitional democracies.
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| 4 |
ID:
120796
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do territorial disputes transform alliances? How are alliances transformed? This article examines how the Philippines' territorial dispute with China over the Spratlys compels it to strengthen its security ties with the United States. Specifically, it observes that China's realpolitik approach to the quarrel shifts the focus of the Philippine-U.S. security relationship from counterterrorism/counterinsurgency to developing the AFP's maritime/territorial defense capabilities. It also analyzes how this contentious issue impacts on the alliance in terms of: (1) reformulation of its threat perception, (2) the hegemon's prerogative, (3) the process of institutionalization, (4) the strategy of institutionalization, and (5) the intra-alliance bargaining process. In conclusion, the article notes that the reconfiguring of the Philippine-U.S. alliance, which has been revitalized in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, aims to address the major security challenge of the twenty-first century-China's emergence and increasing assertiveness as a regional power.
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| 5 |
ID:
120797
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current study attempts to analyze the issue of the Diaoyu Islands based on relevant historical facts according to the methods of scholars of the Vienna School of Jurisprudence, as represented by Hans Kelsen, originator of the Pure Theory of Law. Although leading scholars of the Vienna School of Jurisprudence, represented by Kelsen did not experienced disputing the issue, Kelsen dealt with the case both directly in the material sense and indirectly in the formal sense, as well as in an abstract way. After a preliminary application of the Pure Theory of Law to a legal analysis of the case, it can be concluded that the Diaoyu Islands ought not belong to Japan. This shows that there is, to some extent, a backward-glancing aspect to Kelsenian theory. Kelsen's Pure Theory of Law may help us reach a further abstract understanding of human interaction in this "world village" as it evolves into Kelsen's ideal of a "world state" showing a forward-looking aspect of Pure Theory of Law.
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| 6 |
ID:
120794
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Elections are considered to be the political events that have the most influence on stock markets. The previous literature has examined three types of election effects: the election cycle effect, the bull-run election effect, and the party effect. This study investigates the international impact of United States presidential elections on the Taiwanese stock market. The findings indicate that the Taiwanese stock market is sensitive to the U.S.-China-Taiwan relationship.
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