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| 1 |
ID:
121569
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
VISITING MOSCOW during his first international trip as China's new president in March, Xi Jinping told his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, that Beijing and Moscow should "resolutely support each other in efforts to protect national sovereignty, security and development interests." He also promised to "closely coordinate in international regional affairs." Putin reciprocated by saying that "the strategic partnership between us is of great importance on both a bilateral and global scale." While the two leaders' summit rhetoric may have outpaced reality in some areas, Americans should carefully assess the Chinese-Russian relationship, its implications for the United States and our options in responding.
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| 2 |
ID:
121573
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
WITH THE recent downturn in U.S.-Russian relations, observers in both Washington and Moscow have remarked upon the cyclical nature of this key bilateral relationship. As Fyodor Lukyanov, a leading Russian commentator, noted in late 2012, "If we look at the relationship since 1991, it's the same cycle all the time, between kind words and inspiration and deep crisis. Yeltsin, Clinton, Bush, Putin, Obama, it's the same pattern." Indeed, the phases of high hopes and expectations in the years 1991-1994, 2000-2003 and 2009-2011-followed by deep disappointment in the intervening and subsequent years-do seem to represent a cyclical pattern.
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| 3 |
ID:
121574
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
BARACK OBAMA encountered an unprecedented welcome when he visited Israel in March. He was greeted at the airport not just by the usual dignitaries but also by a hot new weapon-Israel's Iron Dome missile-defense system against short-range rockets. A battery was stationed only a few footsteps from Air Force One, so the president could walk over and congratulate his hosts on their successful use of the antimissile weapon during Israel's Operation Pillar of Defense in November 2012.
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| 4 |
ID:
121572
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE EUROPEAN Union's unfolding crisis tends to be seen as purely economic in nature and consequence. The EU is a common market, with a common currency adopted by most of its members and with fiscal problems of one kind or another facing almost all of its capitals. Most analyses of the euro crisis focus, therefore, on the economic and financial impact of whatever "euro exit" may occur or of a European fiscal centralization. In the worst case, they project a full-fledged breakup of the common currency and perhaps even the EU itself. Not much can be added to this sea of analysis except a pinch of skepticism: nobody really knows the full economic impact, positive or negative, of such potential developments. In fact, not even European leaders seem to have a clear idea of how to mitigate the economic and political morass of the Continent. While it is certain that the EU of the future will be different, it isn't clear just how.
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| 5 |
ID:
121571
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
LAST YEAR, during his visit to the United States, Chinese president Xi Jinping introduced the idea of a "new type of great-power relationship." In March of this year, in apparent response, President Obama's national-security adviser, Tom Donilon, suggested an interest in building "a new model of relations between an existing power and an emerging one." This June, the two presidents met in California to explore whether their strategic outlooks can be reconciled.
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| 6 |
ID:
121570
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN LATE April 2003, I rode in an open car down Baghdad's wide-open airport highway. U.S. Army and Marine units had seized the city just two weeks before, at the end of a short invasion. I had come to Iraq for a few months, detailed to the White House from another agency, and I was heading that morning to Basra, the southern city occupied by the British Army.
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| 7 |
ID:
121575
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE UNITED States has security partnerships with numerous countries whose people detest America. The United States and Pakistan wrangled for seven months over a U.S. apology for the NATO air strikes that killed twenty-four Pakistani soldiers in 2011. The accompanying protests that roiled Islamabad, Karachi and other cities are a staple of the two countries' fraught relationship. Similarly, American relations with Afghanistan repeatedly descended into turmoil last year as Afghans expressed outrage at Koran burnings by U.S. personnel through riots and killings. "Green on blue" attacks-Afghan killings of U.S. soldiers-plague the alliance. In many Islamic countries, polls reflect little warmth toward Americans.
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