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| 1 |
ID:
122183
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The UK's apparent lack of a 'grand strategy' has been at the heart of intense debate in governmental and wider political circles in the last two years, with various House of Commons committee reports, column inches and, indeed, RUSI Journal articles dedicated to the subject. John Louth explores the fundamental, and crucial, differences in the nature of national and corporate strategies. The recent failure of the BAE Systems-EADS merger, he argues, points to the possible consequences when the two are confused.
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| 2 |
ID:
122182
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2012.
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The UK-Argentinian dispute regarding the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands has been central to public debate in this the 30th year since the Falklands War. Less well known, however, are the strategic challenges facing the UK in managing its Overseas Territories in the region, to which the Falklands are a 'strategic gateway'. Klaus Dodds surveys the rationales underpinning current UK policy regarding the South Atlantic and Antarctic Overseas Territories - sovereignty, security and stewardship - and addresses the implications for regional geopolitics of the recent saga involving the proposed merger of the British Antarctic Survey and National Oceanography Centre.
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| 3 |
ID:
122189
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| Publication |
2012.
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John Lehman was US Secretary of the Navy during the Falklands War. In this personal recollection of the war's conduct he emphasises a strong and mutually supportive Anglo-American relationship at odds with the emerging historical interpretation of the alliance between the UK and the US as one fraught with difficulties and mistrust.
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| 4 |
ID:
122181
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2012.
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The British government's decision to re-adopt the short take-off, vertical landing variant of the F-35 Lightning II (the F-35B) was justified on the basis that it would provide sufficient capability and a through-life cost saving over the other variants. Fresh analysis of the evidence reveals that, in fact, the adoption of the F-35B carries with it significant risks of increased lifetime costs, decreased capability, operational difficulties and, in the long term, saddling the Royal Navy with an obsolete deck configuration for its carriers. Most worryingly, it may be that the government's decision in 2012 was at odds with its own advice.
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| 5 |
ID:
122185
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2012.
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The melting of the Arctic ice has seen a renewed focus on the High North by many countries seeking influence there, including the UK. However, James Rogers argues that UK policy-makers should now look beyond this region to the emerging 'Wider North', to which the UK will eventually be connected by sea as the Arctic opens up further. If it is to become the 'strategic pivot' of this new geopolitical grouping - as Rogers suggests - the UK should actively foster stronger ties with both the Northern European countries of the Wider North as well as those in Asia, like Japan and South Korea.
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| 6 |
ID:
122186
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2012.
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As the tenth anniversary of the US-UK invasion of Iraq approaches, and with the findings of the Chilcot Inquiry yet to be published, public debate is likely to focus once again on the events surrounding the political decision to go to war. However, many argue that this will overshadow the most important lessons for the UK: those that can be drawn from the conduct of military operations in southeastern Iraq, in the period between 2003 and 2007. Geraint Hughes offers a timely reminder why Operation Telic must not be forgotten, surveying the British experience of the conflict in Iraq at the political, strategic and military levels.
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| 7 |
ID:
122190
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| Publication |
2012.
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Is state-on-state war really a thing of the past? R D Hooker, Jr imagines what could happen in a Middle East not far removed from that of today should Israel strike against Iran's nuclear facilities. Iran's retaliatory move of invading Iraq triggers in turn a series of regional and international responses that culminates in a US-led coalition fighting a conventional ground war against Iran - and the power dynamics of the region being unexpectedly rewritten.
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| 8 |
ID:
122187
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2012.
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Dominant narratives of war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Great
Lakes region have emphasised the use of mass rape as a weapon of war that is primarily used against women. Georgina Holmes argues the need to go beyond this reductionist interpretation: mass rape is perpetrated against women, men and boys, and is an extreme form of violence against the community which effectively constitutes 'genocide by attrition'.
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| 9 |
ID:
122180
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2012.
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As a result of the 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review and emerging geopolitical considerations, the UK's armed forces will look a lot like those envisaged by the 1998 Strategic Defence Review - with a return to an expeditionary, primarily maritime-based strategy. As such, the Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers, despite a chaotic procurement programme and the reversion to the F-35B Lightning II variant, are likely to prove valuable instruments of state power - not necessarily, or as originally intended, as 'strike' platforms, but as multi-purpose, highly adaptable and widely employable assets, capable of projecting high-impact military power, both at sea and from the sea.
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| 10 |
ID:
122188
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2012.
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War seems to be a permanent feature of human existence, but when did it actually start? Simon Elliott takes us on a fascinating journey through the archaeological record, tracing the debate among scholars of anthropology, archaeology, science and history in their as yet inconclusive quest to answer this question, and proposes an answer of his own: that warfare - as organised conflict between actors that must include at least one stratified polity - began with the emergence of agriculture, settlement and societal organisation in the Early Neolithic period. It would remain with us for the next 8,000 years, and counting.
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| 11 |
ID:
122184
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2012.
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The increasing prevalence of interconnected computer services and networks, both within and between the public and private sectors, fully justifies the classification of cyber-security as a tier one risk in the 2010 National Security Strategy. However, Pauline Neville-Jones and Mark Phillips argue that, two years on - and with the growing pervasiveness of cloud computing - the government needs to take the lead by securing its own systems and working more closely with industry, especially in areas critical to national security, to set out standards to which companies can adhere. Nor should this effort be limited to the UK; securing cyberspace requires a global solution.
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