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| 1 |
ID:
117602
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past two decades, South Asia has undergone robust reforms in the forestry sector which claim to be initiating a transformation from state-centric to people-centric forest management. This shift is perceived as an important move towards decolonisation in governance processes in India. Examining the forest policies in colonial and postcolonial South India, this article finds, however, that community forest management in postcolonial India remains substantially rooted in the colonial framework of forest resource management policies. In practice, this means that exploitation of forests gives some consideration to the requirements of forest-dependent communities today, but does so now under the control of a state that fails to protect the most basic rights of many of its most vulnerable citizens. The article thus argues critically that supposedly people-centric community forest management in India is not sensitive enough to local development needs, nor indeed sufficiently protective of the basic needs of many forest-dependent people.
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| 2 |
ID:
117599
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on anthropological fieldwork, this article confirms that arguments about the decline of Mumbai's cosmopolitanism through the rise of regionalism and hindutva have failed to consider the idea of 'cosmopolitanism' as understood and used by local people, specifically local merchants. Reconsideration of cosmopolitanism in relation to regionalism focuses on the morality of business, as expressed by merchants in Navi Mumbai, is examined through two case scenarios. The Marathisation of signboards led by the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and participation in the Ganesh Festival show that their morality of business enables Navi Mumbai's merchants to adjust to various kinds of challenging phenomena, including those seen as regionalism. The same business morality, then, skillfully re-constructs the foundations of cosmopolitanism as a polyphonic folk term.
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| 3 |
ID:
117601
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi's project of literary self-determination, as articulated in two programmatic essays published in the Hindi journal Sarasvati under his editorship (1903-1920), scrutinising his construction of literature as a culturally embedded category of national consequence. His theorisation of Hindi literature as broadly inclusive in terms of its basic definition and function supported the growth of what he considered a national treasury of literature. His discussion of its historical and linguistic parameters and his emphasis on a prioritised plan of literary production, reified the notion of a modern discipline oriented towards a narrowly constructed national collective that sought to establish its sovereign identity via literature in Khari Boli Hindi. Though not explicit in its anti-colonial nationalism, this project nevertheless privileged Hindi as the projected lead language of a modern sovereign nation, with all the risks that delimitation entailed.
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| 4 |
ID:
117598
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that there appears to be a pattern of disregarding the literary contributions of South Asian Muslim writers who produced English texts on a variety of topics. It then mainly contextualises Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain's English works in the tradition of South Asian writing in English to identify a continuous trend of undervaluing Muslim literary contributions in English in the region. The article thus argues for a re-assessment of the evaluation of this literary tradition, so that the many forgotten South Asian Muslim writers in English, including Rokeya, regain their long overdue recognition.
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| 5 |
ID:
117600
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to assess the ability of formal equal employment opportunity (EEO) programmes and workplace agreement making in India to facilitate work and family balance for women workers. Using documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews in six Indian organisations that are required to develop formal EEO programmes, it is found that formal EEO programmes and agreement making are limited in their ability to promote work and family-friendly arrangements at the workplace. Informal arrangements and managerial discretion remain important in realising work and care balance. The article highlights thus that formal mechanisms alone cannot achieve effective work and care reconciliation for women workers, mainly because they are built upon limited minimum requirements, are voluntary and are dependent upon bargaining processes at the workplace.
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