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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
186171
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines public attitudes toward China in Taiwan and Hong Kong. It finds that before 2019, a majority of people in Taiwan and Hong Kong held positive views about the future development of China. However, many of their positive views suddenly changed during the 2019–2020 period. Those two years witnessed several contingent events underlining political tensions across the Taiwan Strait, and between China and Hong Kong. In addition, this study shows that self-interest considerations and ideology-oriented factors have different effects on public attitudes toward China in Taiwan and Hong Kong. In Taiwan, both self-interest and ideology-oriented factors have significant impacts; in Hong Kong, only ideological factors, including local identity, party identification, and belief in democracy, have significant associations with public attitudes toward China.
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| 2 |
ID:
161204
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the possible negative impacts of two East Asian traditional values—the notion of paternalistic meritocracy and the instrumental perception of ideal political arrangements—on popular support for democracy in Hong Kong and East Asian societies. Based on data drawn from various surveys, East Asians are found to be quite attached to paternalistic meritocracy and democratic instrumentalism. Comparatively, Hong Kong people are less inclined to perceive democracy in a procedural way although they are less attached to paternalistic meritocracy. Regression analysis demonstrates a negative correlation between these two values, with a preference for democracy.
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| 3 |
ID:
163321
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper addresses the long debate over the superiority of the performance of family- vs non-family-controlled companies from the contesting perspectives of entrepreneurial familism and managerial capitalism. Publicly listed family- and non-family-controlled companies in Hong Kong have been selected for a comparison of their overall performance. The focus is on Hang Seng Index constituent companies in general, and on two cases in particular: one non-family-controlled bank (HSBC), and one family-controlled bank (BEA). We found that family-controlled companies were not necessarily less competitive than non-family-controlled companies. Specifically, when HSBC and BEA were compared, the latter showed no clear inferiority in operating profit margin and return on assets, even though the former enjoys unparalleled advantages, such as an overwhelming superiority in size, the privilege of issuing notes, and status as Hong Kong’s quasi-central bank. Therefore, we argue that entrepreneurial familism seems to be a resilient source of business dynamism, particularly when family-controlled companies have been repeatedly tested by adverse socioeconomic crises. Based on the finding, it is suggested that governments across the world should provide a favorable institutional set-up to facilitate the development of family businesses.
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| 4 |
ID:
149754
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using official statistics and a pooled dataset of longitudinal surveys, the aim of this article is to examine the impact of the Individual Visit Scheme (IVS) on political trust in Hong Kong. Our multilevel analysis found that the gradual inflow of IVS visitors (mostly overnight visitors) increased political trust in the first few years, but that this trust rapidly diminished in later years, especially after the introduction of the one-year multiple-entry IVS endorsement (which attracted mostly same-day visitors). The main reason for the reduction in the positive impact of the IVS scheme is that the growth in the number of same-day visitors has contributed less to Hong Kong's economy than has the increase in the number of overnight visitors, and has exacerbated several social problems. The impact of mainland visitors has varied across groups with different levels of education. The political trust of people with a senior secondary education has been enhanced more by the increase in overnight visitors and reduced less by the increase in same-day visitors than that of people with a tertiary level of education or a junior secondary education or below.
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| 5 |
ID:
172251
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through the theoretical lens of the family as a breeding ground for new business, this article argues that the drastic and prolonged decline in fertility affects business creation. Since entrepreneurship is a high-risk endeavour, and during the start-up or expansion period, various kinds of resource support from family are badly needed, the small family is in an unfavourable position. By using qualitative research data obtained in Hong Kong, this article unravels the possible interplay among the factors of continuous fertility decline, shrinking family human resource support and sibling network, and ultimately diminishing entrepreneurship. It argues that if fertility keeps declining, not only could entrepreneurial activity remain low, but momentum for sustaining economic development might also become weak and feeble.
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| 6 |
ID:
122518
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Greater China has been separated and divided for over a century. The reunification of Hong Kong and Macao on the eve of the New Millennium has paved the way for Greater China to reunify as a single economy with a single internationalized currency. History shows that financial and monetary collaborations are essential to the future of Greater China in the global arena. We argue that collaboration might begin with a common board in Hong Kong, Shanghai and Taipei for Greater China enterprises to list and trade in one synchronized market. The common board would also facilitate public and private bonds in support of the infrastructural development and globalization of Greater China enterprises. Due to its established financial market, system and culture, Hong Kong would be the undisputed home of the Greater China Enterprises Board. Financial collaboration would advocate monetary alliance when the Chinese renminbi is fully convertible. When the time comes, the offshore renminbi based in Hong Kong would become the counterpart of the Eurodollar in London. The Asianyuan, as it might be called, would be the truly internationalized and globalized renminbi.
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