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ID:
130415
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As international pressure on China's policy concerning its increasing investments in Iran grows, the Chinese leadership has to painfully balance its impulse toward energy and economic cooperation with Iran against other important interests, including enhancing its image as a responsible big country. After analyzing the evolution of China-Iran energy relations, this paper tries to answer the question of how China has responded to the intensification of US-led sanctions against Iran, what merits and shortcomings China's attempts to balance or reconcile its interests in Iran might create, and what options China can take to deal with a possible oil crisis.
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| 2 |
ID:
180390
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| Summary/Abstract |
New Zealanders have prided themselves on a moral foreign policy that can speak up for decency and a rules-based world order. Now in the face of China's aggressive nationalism, especially over Hong Kong, we face a difficult choice between our democratic values and our income. We stumbled at the first fence, choosing to be silent when our friends spoke out over China's repudiation of the treaty which guarantees Hong Kong's special status. We have gently tried to recover this stumble and can do so more convincingly by taking in our share of those who wish or need to flee Hong Kong.
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| 3 |
ID:
126793
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Bandwagoinng with China against the United States and simultaneously covertly trying to testation China have been the dominant motives of Russia's Asian in Northeast and Southeast Asia. Throughout the 2000s. due to this dual-smelt policy. Russia had resigned itself to its growing economic dependence on China and its role as an energy source China. Between 2009and20lz. Russia madeaconseiouselibtt to portray itself as an Asian played. However. Russia's failure to develop the Russian Fat East (RFE) has fumed it to "turn to China for help". and this has allowed China to begin building a new economic and security otdet in Asia at Russia's expense. The nature and din.-action of the Russo-Chinese "strategic partnership" under Chinese President Xi jinxing and Russian President Vladimir Putin is aping becoming a subject of intense debate. The mayor assumption of this atticle is that it is unliltely that Russia would simply acquiesce in subonlination to China without tufting to situations with negativity.
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| 4 |
ID:
122645
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of China as a powerhouse of the world economy has added a new dimension to the global currency market. China's impressive economic growth and phenomenal rise in exports have given considerable strength to its currency yuan in recent years. To what extent will China push to make the yuan the world's reserve currency has become a burning issue. Currently, the share of yuan in total world reserves is hardly 1 per cent. The reasons are obvious. The yuan is not fully convertible, the capital market is shallow, the exchange rate is not flexible and international acceptance of yuan as a store of value is non-existent. In the face of these constraints, China is showing an inclination to make the yuan an international currency and to rival the US dollar and euro. Increase in the inflow of foreign direct investment as well as outflow of investment abroad is enabling China to move towards internationalisation of yuan in the near future. Regionalisation of the yuan is gaining importance with rise in its international trade in Asia. China has now allowed the commercial banks in Hong Kong to accept the yuan-denominated deposits. It is further extending loans in yuan to developing countries. Many steps are being taken towards making the yuan an international reserve currency. At the outset, it appears that the yuan would become an international currency in the foreseeable future.
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