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ID:
122949
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Competing great powers, and the potential for clashes among them when there are changes of place at the top of the hierarchy, are an old story in international relations. Against this realist model of inevitably warlike power struggles stands another idea: 'peaceful rise'. China committed itself to this policy a decade ago, and arguably adopted it as far back as the shift to reform and opening up in the late 1970s. The only other modern great power than can possibly claim to have risen peacefully is the United States. Since there are only two cases of attempted peaceful rise, it is worth asking what parallels can be drawn between the United States and Chinese experiences. Given their different placements in history, with the rise of the United States having taken place between 1865 and 1945, a century earlier than China's current rise, what lessons, if any, can be learned for China from the United States experience? This article looks closely at both the meaning of 'peaceful rise' and the credibility of the United States and Chinese claims to it. It surveys the key points of similarity and difference between the United States and China during their process of rise, comparing contemporary China with the United States of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, not with today's United States. The conclusion sets out six lessons for China and for international society that can be drawn from comparing the two cases.
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| 2 |
ID:
122951
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews the pros and cons of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) climate change mitigation regime and the polycentric initiatives that have arisen in response to phlegmatic progress in international climate change mitigation efforts. It concludes that the combined efficacy of the UNFCCC regime and these polycentric initiatives embody necessary but insufficient efforts to avert the perils associated with amplified climate change scenarios. The author concludes by proposing that a bilateral agreement between the USA and China that focuses on exploiting national commercial synergies represents a promising strategy through which to encourage enhanced commitment by these two key nations to greenhouse gas reduction. Regardless of whether or not a US-China partnership materialises, the notion of bilateral agreements between developed and developing nations-such as Japan and Brazil, or India and the EU block of nations-and of the ensuing competition among these national pairings could be a missing element to more effective climate change mitigation efforts.
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| 3 |
ID:
122952
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do Chinese scholars and students residing in the United States view the United States? This study tries to answer this question using a unique dataset from the United States. It also seeks to identify the determinants of Chinese migrants' attitudes towards the United States, especially with regard to overseas socialization. On the whole, the results indicate that Chinese scholars and students in the United States have a mostly favourable attitude towards America and remain positive towards China. Their values, overseas experience, and other factors have important influences on their feelings towards the United States. We find that most respondents have a positive attitude towards the United States, as regards both its general national image and diverse images, including political institutions, the economy, and the environment. We also find that this group of Chinese respondents maintains a strong attachment to China and has a conservative attitude towards China's future growth. Our results suggest that values such as nationalism and ethnocentrism have significant influence on individuals' feelings towards the United States.
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| 4 |
ID:
122950
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The trade imbalance between the United States and China has expanded rapidly over the past two decades. Exactly how much US export controls contribute to this development is an important question. This article examines the various political barriers constraining US exports to China, and in particular their impact on the export of dual-use products with high military applications. The article then quantitatively measures the magnitude of this impact and the corresponding potential US export capability were certain levels of export control to be liberalized. The conclusion drawn here is that the United States has the potential to significantly increase its exports to China by liberalizing its export constraints against the PRC.
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