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| 1 |
ID:
129089
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As China's economic and political presence in Africa increases, so does the need for its government to maintain a favorable image with African publics. Borrowing theories of soft power diplomacy and language planning, this paper analyzes, from the perspectives of African and Chinese policymakers, the impact of the Confucius Institutes on higher education in Africa and its intersections with language planning and cultural diplomacy. An empirical case study at the University of Nairobi Confucius Institute shows that policymakers and administrators anticipate that a competent group of Kenyans with Mandarin language skills will be able to engage with Chinese people and Chinese-owned companies on the ground in Kenya. However, Chinese diplomats are more concerned with China's image and achieving its political and economic interests in Kenya than with effective cultural exchange and language instruction.
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| 2 |
ID:
124541
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even though both empirical studies and field evidences show that Bt cotton can significantly reduce pesticide use, Chinese farmers are still spraying excessive pesticide in field production. Based on primary household surveys in the North China Plain, this study shows that farmers' lack of knowledge on pest management and pesticide use is strongly correlated with their excessive pesticide use. According to this study, improving farmers' awareness and knowledge could potentially reduce pesticide use by 10-15%. The paper concludes with policy implications.
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| 3 |
ID:
123712
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| Publication |
2013.
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China's central-local relations have been marked by perpetual changes amidst economic restructuring. Fiscal decentralization on the expenditure side has been paralleled by centralization on the revenue side, accompanied by political centralization. Hence, our understanding of China's fiscal relations is not without controversy. This paper aims to make a theoretical contribution to the ongoing debate on 'fiscal federalism' by addressing crucial questions regarding China's central-local fiscal relations: first, to what extent do Chinese central-local fiscal relations conform to fiscal federalism in the Western literature? Second, are there any problems with existing principles of fiscal federalism and, if so, how to refine them? Third, how are refined principles relevant to the Chinese case and what policies should the Chinese government pursue in the future? Based on an in-depth and critical review of the theories on fiscal federalism, we develop a refined prototype of fiscal federalism. The model shows that quasi-traditional fiscal federalism is a much closer reality in China, while we argue that the refined fiscal federalism should be the direction of future reform in China.
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| 4 |
ID:
124543
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper assesses the externality impact of China's excessive growth as a China factor on the world economy via examining the effect of Chinese GDP growth on oil prices as a case for the issue. Our assessment starts, firstly, by estimating a country-level demand model to determine the GDP influences of an individual country on oil demand. Secondly, it estimates the impact of world aggregate demand on oil prices. This two-stage approach enables us to estimate the effect of the GDP growth of an individual nation on oil demand globally and the global price of oil. The estimated demand model is applied to quantify the effect of the Chinese GDP growth on the price of oil through simulations of a range of scenarios for each year over the period 2009 to 2030. We find that China's excessive growth adds a premium to the price of oil which increases over time. The results have policy implications in terms of the sustainability of the Chinese faster growth rate from the perspective of its negative externalities to the world.
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| 5 |
ID:
124542
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Utilizing a political economy approach towards trade policy formulation, we examine the case of how the U.S. House voted on the PNTR status for China. Our focus is to analyze the factors affecting the legislators' voting behavior and to deduce the rationale behind these factors. We find that the U.S. trade policies towards China represent a balanced equilibrium based on interactions between the government and special interest groups. The individual characteristics of the legislators were not important in the process. Predictions of neo-classical trade models regarding the attitudes of various groups on trade liberalization could not be fully validated in the voting outcome of the PNTR bill.
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