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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
123269
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Frantz Fanon, the Afro-French revolutionary and psychiatrist, developed a theory as to how and why the socially marginalized, the abused, the dregs of humanity, The Other!, eventually rose up in an attempt to reclaim their lost humanity. Fanon's political writings dealt primarily with the colonial situation, the colonizer and the colonized and the question of race, especially as it unfolded in the Algerian war for independence (1954-62). Boko Haram is a Nigerian jihadist group that has engaged the Nigerian state in all-out warfare since 2009. We use Fanon's concept of the 'wretched' to explain the emergence of Boko Haram in a post-colonial situation in which the issue of a 'racial foreigner' is completely irrelevant and, in so doing, argue for the continued relevance of Fanonist thinking.
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| 2 |
ID:
182659
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I ask three key questions: First, what is the relationship between militarism and race? Second, how does colonialism shape that relationship to produce racial militarism on both sides of the imperial encounter? And, third, what is the function of racial militarism? I build on Fanon’s psychoanalytic work on the production of racial hierarchies and internalization of stigma to argue that militarism became a means through which the European imperial nation-state sought to mitigate its civilizational anxiety and assert itself at the top of a constructed hierarchy. In particular, I argue that European militarism is constituted by its colonization and historical constructions of the so-called Muslim Orient, stigmatized as a rival, a threat and an inferior neighbour. However, this racial militarism and civilizational anxiety is not only a feature of the colonial metropole, but also transferred onto colonized and postcolonial states. Drawing on examples of racial militarism practised by the Syrian regime, I argue Europe’s racial-militarist stigmas are also internalized and instrumentalized by postcolonial states via fleeing and transferral. Throughout the article, I demonstrate that racial militarism has three main functions in both metropole and postcolony: the performance of racial chauvinism and superiority; demarcation of boundaries of exclusion; and dehumanization of racialized dissent in order to legitimate violence.
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