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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
123702
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using complementary information from two national surveys conducted in 2008, i.e. the China Survey and the ABS II Mainland China Survey, this paper presents a comprehensive picture of the media channels that Chinese citizens use for political information, as well as their relative importance as assessed by the Chinese people. Moreover, assisted by multiple regressions, this paper also identifies which groups of Chinese are more likely to use each of these channels for political information. This paper contributes to our understanding on (1) the relative significance of various media channels in contemporary China's political communication; and (2) how Chinese citizens select themselves into specific channels for political information, given their increasing autonomy in acquiring such information from China's changing media.
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| 2 |
ID:
137445
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| Summary/Abstract |
The dramatic increase in China's economic and hence political power and influence is a common story around the world. Just how clearly and well does this story get across to citizens of some nations other than China, itself? In particular, we ask what Americans know about China. Do they observe its rise? Are their views simple or rich and nuanced? How do they vary across the public? What leads to more positive and what leads to more negative views of China? We report the results of a survey of the American population designed to address these questions. We find that they are reasonably knowledgeable of China's rise and that they have rich and nuanced perceptions of a variety of dimensions of China, its society, economy and polity. These views are, on balance, not especially positive, but the more cosmopolitan the citizen, the more likely they are to hold positive views. Those who are Democrats, who are liberals, and who have had the opportunity to travel in China are especially likely to have positive impressions.
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| 3 |
ID:
132738
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We collected original experimental data, using the matched-guise technique, to examine the Taiwanese people's evaluational reactions to two major spoken languages in contemporary Taiwan: Mandarin and Taiwanese. Taking advantage of the effectiveness of the experimental technique in controlling for possible unobserved confounding variables, we clearly and systematically demonstrate that (1) language stereotypes do exist in today's Taiwan, and (2) there are some serious and significant implications for Taiwan's public opinion and democratic politics. Our data show that such language stereotypes are of great salience and consistently decoded for political issues, less so for socioeconomic issues, and almost insignificant for personality features. Our data also confirm that these language stereotypes are not just proxies of Taiwan's regional divisions; the Taiwanese people cognitively differentiate between the spoken languages' political and socioeconomic implications (despite some mild halo effect between the two).
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| 4 |
ID:
153383
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using two survey experiments run on college students and average Chinese citizens respectively, this article revisits the impact of political wariness on public opinion surveys in contemporary China. The authors randomly assigned some respondents to a control group, in which face-to-face surveys were administered following the standard procedure endorsed by China’s academic survey industry. Remaining respondents were randomly assigned to experimental groups, in which the otherwise identical surveys were presented as affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Neither college students nor average citizens in the experimental groups showed a significantly higher non-response rate or reported more politically correct answers when probed for their assessments of China’s democratic quality and their trust in China’s political system. On the contrary, responding to possible cues conveyed by the CCP emblem interviewers wore (i.e. one of the treatments), college students significantly lowered their assessments of China’s democratic quality and raised their perceived need for fundamental changes in China’s political system; similarly, average citizens significantly downgraded their overall trust in the CCP. This research did not detect any significant influence of political wariness in the surveys.
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