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| 1 |
ID:
081491
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Where does the clash of civilizations thesis and its underlying us-versus-them mentality come from? How has the idea been engineered historically and ideologically in the 'east' and 'west'? What were the functions of Christianity and Islam to these ends? These are some of the questions that will be discussed in this article that engages both the clash of civilizations thesis and the discourse of 'Orientalism' more generally. Dissecting the many manifestations of mutual retributions, the article establishes the nuances of the 'clash' mentality within the constructs we commonly refer to as 'Islam' and the 'west', showing how it is based on a questionable ontology, how it has served particular political interests and how it is not inevitable. What is presented, rather, is a short genealogy of this idea, dispelling some of its underlying myths and inventions along the way
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| 2 |
ID:
188495
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NEVER BEFORE has the term "Russophobia" been as widely and routinely used as it is today. Emerging in Europe in the 1830s, it denoted a phenomenon much older than itself. Strictly speaking, there was and is nothing phenomenal about this phenomenon in its traditional understanding as a special dislike for Russia and Russians. It just so happens that there is no love between states and peoples because this is unnatural for them and has no grounds. To compete, fight, ally, cooperate, trade, borrow, envy, despise, hate - anything but to love.
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| 3 |
ID:
155923
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| 4 |
ID:
019374
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June 2001.
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| Description |
317-338
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| 5 |
ID:
120976
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We extend the logic of the democratic peace to query whether information about a foreign country's regime type affects US citizens' opinions of that country. We contrast this with the suggestion in other areas of international relations theorizing, such as the "clash of civilizations" thesis and constructivist frameworks, that a country's culture, especially its dominant religious tradition, may be more salient in citizen attitudes toward foreign countries. We designed a survey experiment to test the effects of randomly assigned cues regarding the regime type (democracy/nondemocracy) and religious culture (Islam/Christianity) of a foreign country on respondents' attitudes. Religious cultural cues outperformed regime type cues in determining respondents' perceptions of threat or expressions of trust, but respondents' views did not conform to maximalist claims of either the democratic peace or the clash of civilizations frameworks. These findings suggest that the need for a more synergetic approach to understanding the microfoundations of public foreign policy opinion formation.
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| 6 |
ID:
058827
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| 7 |
ID:
163256
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The following is an edited transcript of remarks made by the late Fouad Ajami honoring Professor Bernard Lewis at a dinner in the latter’s honor. Ajami gives personal remembrances of Lewis and underscores Lewis’s enormous influence on Middle East Studies.
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| 8 |
ID:
098093
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| 9 |
ID:
181738
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Depictions of the West abound in the propaganda produced by the self-proclaimed “Islamic State,” presenting to potentially sympathetic audiences an overwhelmingly negative image of a supposedly homogeneous political entity. Combining quantitative and qualitative language and visual analysis, we systematically expose the various facets of this image and analyze the overall picture. Drawing on the “clash of civilizations” literature as well as on research on extremist language, we conceptualize this presentation of the West as a powerful radicalizing voice shaping today’s global civilizational politics.
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| 10 |
ID:
155361
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THE WAVES OF DESTABILIZATION in the Middle East that have risen high in recent years, terrorist acts that follow one another, persecution of those who think differently or follow different religions in the Muslim countries and even outside them bring to mind, once more, Prof. Huntington. Indeed, can Islam and violence, Islam and democracy and, in the final analysis, Islamic and non-Islamic values cohabitate within the frames of the steadily globalizing community of men?
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| 11 |
ID:
079679
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay offers an alternative analysis of Muslim - Christian relations in Nigeria, rejecting a 'clash-of-civilizations' approach as both too generalized and politically self-serving. A more nuanced analysis might focus on the social variables in the different sites of conflict and on the underlying factors, both historical and current. It is argued that, for the most part, Muslims and Christians have lived peacefully alongside each other in Nigeria for a century now
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| 12 |
ID:
059371
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Winter 2004-05.
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| 13 |
ID:
109144
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2011.
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A 2008 poll of 430 Ottawa Muslims found predominantly negative views of the U.S. war on terrorism, including the war in Iraq and the war in Afghanistan. This poll also assessed approval of Western powers (U.S., Canada, Israel, United Nations) and challengers of Western power (Al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hizballah, government of Iran). Surprisingly, attitudes of Ottawa Muslims toward militant Muslim groups were unrelated to their attitudes toward Western governments. Discussion suggests that this pattern, if confirmed in other Muslim polls, would mean that the war of ideas against radical Islam must address not one target but two: favorable opinions of militants and unfavorable opinions of the U.S. Muslims who come to like the West more may not like Muslim militants any less.
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| 14 |
ID:
089822
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper focuses on Turkey, a Muslim (but secular) country located culturally and geographically in, and between, Europe, the Middle East and Asia. It has a well-embedded Jewish community, enjoys a strong positive relationship with the State of Israel and is a long-term member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Turkey has also been negotiating entry into the European Union, the pre-eminent example of the Kantian system of 'perpetual peace.' The paper addresses these and other aspects of Turkey's complex identity, exploring their implications for 'civilizational' peace, security and stability regionally and worldwide. The paper contributes, therefore, to the discussion on the complex relationship between Islam and the West by framing Turkey as uniquely well positioned to undermine and perhaps even reverse self-fulfilling, post-9/11 trajectories toward a full-blown 'clash of civilizations.'
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| 15 |
ID:
061179
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