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| 1 |
ID:
123608
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| 2 |
ID:
160292
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| Summary/Abstract |
For the first 28 years of Israel’s existence, the Arab minority was represented in the Knesset by a series of ‘satellite lists’ affiliated mainly with the Mapai party and, later, with the Alignment (Labour). This article explores the role of the satellite lists in the early years of the state, and the reasons for their ultimate demise. The fate of these lists would be inextricably tied to the overall political development and political liberation of their constituencies. Their relative success was intimately connected to the disarray of Palestinian Arab society after the 1948 war, the political isolation of the Arab minority and a belief held by the Jewish leadership that the traditional Arab notability could be co-opted. The satellite lists could not survive for long once these factors were mitigated and a more authentic alternative leadership had evolved.
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| 3 |
ID:
188233
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israeli law is an important medium that maintains, perfects, and facilitates the fragmentation of Palestinians. Israeli citizenship figures in this structure of fragmentation as an exceptionalizing legal status that blurs “colonial difference” between Palestinian citizens in Israel and Jewish Israelis. The May 2021 uprising and its aftermath not only highlighted the counter-fragmentary forces present among Palestinians across different legal statuses, it also brought into clearer view a rule of “colonial difference” that crisscrosses the Israeli legal system and pertains to all Palestinians under its control. This essay explores the concept of “colonial difference” as applied to Palestinians through the law, and how this rule has been employed in the context of the May 2021 uprising against Palestinian citizens in particular.
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| 4 |
ID:
186156
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the birth of the municipality in the city of Acre after the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. Hitherto a predominantly Arab city, Acre became a mixed city following the Palestinian exodus and the Jewish immigration wave. However, despite the sizable Jewish community, Acre, like other Arab-majority cities in the newly-established Jewish State, was placed under military rule. The article examines archival material to draw out the local power struggles in Acre until the lifting of the military rule in the city and the election of its first mayor in October 1951 and explores the intricate interrelations between the local actors and the central government. Acre thus serves as a case study for an analysis of the tactics used by Mapai, Israel’s ruling party, to combat its political rivals in the Arab sector—most notably the Israeli Communist Party—and exert its hegemony over Israel’s Arab minority.
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| 5 |
ID:
174161
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the Histadrut, the quintessential Labor Zionist organization, and its policies regarding the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel between the years 1948-1967. Using archival documents, published material, and oral history, the article reconstructs previously unexplored aspects of Palestinian membership in the Histadrut and reveals the spectrum of attitudes that it elicited. Whereas previous research has identified the Histadrut’s role in segregating the Jewish and Palestinian communities in Palestine, this article argues that after 1948, the Histadrut integrated the Palestinian Arabs into Israeli society in a way that complicates our understanding of Zionism.
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| 6 |
ID:
192275
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the history of the Palestine Labor League (PLL) during the first years after Israel's establishment (1948-1953). Unlike most research, which views the PLL as an insignificant appendage to the major Zionist labor union, the Histadrut, this article wishes to investigate the PLL as a Palestinian organization operating within the corporatist industrial relations system of Israel’s early days. The article shows that PLL activists identified their position as a link between the Histadrut and the Palestinian population and used it to gain personal and collective achievements. The article therefore argues that the Israeli corporatist model, which was set to maintain social order and strengthen Zionist hegemony, unwittingly provided Palestinians with agency which was utilized by them to resist Israel's settler-colonial policies.
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| 7 |
ID:
169826
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| Summary/Abstract |
“These two minority communities have to work within the confines of ethnonationalist states that question their right to participate in the political system.”
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| 8 |
ID:
149480
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines rumour as a distinct type of speech act and makes a case for engaging with the spaces within which rumours are deployed and circulated in practice. Critiquing the rigid linguistic focus on speech acts within prevailing securitization theories, it follows insights from the fields of political geography and anthropology in order to incorporate voices from the margins more fully into its analysis of threat construction. Examining the local deployment and circulation of rumours in religiously mixed Arab localities in Israel, it argues that the perlocutionary force of rumour not only is rooted in local security and policing arrangements but reveals a spatialization of violence that is particular to the margins. In so doing, the article seeks to contribute to a broadening of the research agenda on the social construction of threat that would not only bring ‘security have-nots’ to the centre of its analysis but draw attention to the margins as a particular type of security space.
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