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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
123756
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
What will China's foreign policy be under Xi Jinping, the new Chinese leader in Beijing? Will Xi follow Hu Jintao-his predecessor-or change the course of China's foreign policy orientation in the next decade? Engaging in the current debates over rising China's foreign policy and its implications for regional security, we suggest 'bringing the leaders back in' for a study of China's foreign policy under Xi. We apply operational code analysis, a political psychology approach, to examine the differences and similarities of Xi and Hu's belief systems. We suggest that Xi shares Hu's philosophical and instrumental beliefs, which implies more continuities than changes in China's foreign policy under Xi. In addition, Hu and Xi share similar cooperative worldviews, but the latter's strategy tends to be more assertive. This suggests that although Xi is a status quo leader, optimistic about the existing international system, he may adopt an assertive foreign policy to achieve his strategic goals if external pressure grows too great. Other states, especially the United States, need to review and revise their foreign policy on China should they have adopted, or intend to adopt, a containment policy towards the PRC, because although a rising China may not be a threat, an angry China indeed will be.
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| 2 |
ID:
158729
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| Summary/Abstract |
The dawn of the twenty-first century witnessed a new wave of multilateral initiatives in the Asia-Pacific. By integrating institutional balancing theory and role theory, the author proposes a new theoretical framework—‘balance of roles’—to explain the variations in institutional strategies by different states. It is argued that a state’s role conception will shape its institutional balancing strategies in an order transition period. An order defender, like the USA, is more likely to adopt exclusive institutional balancing to exclude its target from its dominated institutions. An order challenger, such as China, will choose both inclusive and exclusive institutional balancing to maximise its own power and legitimacy in a new international order. As a kingmaker, a proactive second-tier state is more likely to pick an inter-institutional balancing strategy to initiate new institutions for competing for influence with existing institutions. An institutionalised order transition might be more peaceful than widely perceived.
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