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ID:
124403
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article critically examines the policy capacity crisis in post- 1997 Hong Kong. In particular, it provides a framework that allows for a more sophisticated analysis of new social movements (NSMs) and their role in challenging the government in policy making and implementation. A number of studies examining recent campaigns conducted by NSMs reveal that the social activists involved have distinctive goals, organizational structures, and political styles, and that the distinctiveness of NSMs has challenged the traditional ways in which public policy has been made, which emphasized rationality, scientific analysis, and policy coherence. However, this article argues that the policy capacity crisis cannot be explained purely in terms of the rise of NSMs. The form and strength of their challenge to policy capacity can only be fully understood in relation to the prevailing political structures which define the connected set of political opportunities/constraints facing the protest groups. In particular MSMs only become relevant in mobilizing and intensifying antagonistic forces when their values and actions are mediated by the structure of political opportunities. Moreover, any effect on government policy derived from confrontational action also has to be mediated by the political structures. In short, the structural opportunities/constraints enshrined in particular policy areas are equally, if not more, significant than the internal dynamics of NSMs in understanding the impact of such movements on public policy. Hence, there is no real reason to assert that the rise of NSMs necessarily poses a considerable challenge to the policy capacity of the Hong Kong government.
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| 2 |
ID:
177778
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| Summary/Abstract |
This comparative research looked at the causes of the variance in provincial response to COVID-19 in Pakistan using the policy capacity framework. Pakistan decentralised its policymaking in 2010 and granted autonomy to its provinces to mitigate the crisis, control law and order, generate resources and reform their institutions. There were serious concerns that the small provinces lacking the required policy competencies will not be able to deal with a crisis such as COVID-19. Using process tracing and inductive mixed methods, this research finds that the relationship with the centre, effective networking with international agencies, non-state actors and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are the key factors that improved the policy competency of the small provinces, whereas the weak steering ability of the state machinery, complacent and negligent behaviour of the political and administrative institutions and tension with the centre adversely impacted the analytical, operational and political competencies of the two large provinces of Punjab and Sindh, resulting in the spread of COVID-19 cases in these provinces.
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