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| 1 |
ID:
125905
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
America's diplomacy towards Europe has passed through two broad historic phases. A first, isolationist phase, determined in part by America's need to maintain its domestic multinational consensus, was replaced, after World War II and under the Soviet threat, by a policy of hegemonic engagement. The Soviet collapse opened a new era forcing a reinterpretation of America's role in Europe and the world. Four different narratives have emerged: triumphalist, declinist, chaotic or pluralist. If a unipolar American role seems unlikely to persist, American decline is all too possible. A new hegemonic replacement seems unlikely, which makes the pluralist narrative plausible and desirable. This multipolar world will require an adaptation of the Western alliance and a new way of thinking about interstate relations. Confederal Europe, for its experience in bargaining and conciliation, might have much to offer to the new plural world order.
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| 2 |
ID:
174516
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CURRENTLY, Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as the rest of the world, are faced with the COVID-19 pandemic. The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), as the largest regional organization uniting almost all countries in Latin America, is actively responding to the challenges of the global pandemic, taking timely action and searching for effective solutions.
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| 3 |
ID:
133612
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This review essay examines the significance of India-China relations against the background of the current phenomenon of a multipolar world in the light of four recent publications on the subject. Tien-sze Fang's and Jeff M. Smith's works discuss the current facets of India-China relations, while William Antholis's and Carl J. Dahlman's works deal with the character and standing that India and China bring to their regional and global discourse. After reviewing the core of these books, this essay will seek to locate the dialogue and import of India-China relations in two constructive settings: first, the versatility of this relationship in a multipolar world order; second, why this relationship is important to the future of multipolar world politics. In the official idiom, India-China dynamics are not confined to the bilateral ambience. For example, a joint statement issued on the occasion of the visit of Premier Li Keqiang to India (May 20, 2013) records that 'There is enough space in the world for the development of India and China … As the two largest developing countries in the world, the relationship between India and China transcends bilateral scope and has acquired regional, global and strategic significance'.1 This official endorsement comes against the background that the year 2014 is the 60th anniversary of the occasion when the Panchasheel discourse was first enunciated.
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| 4 |
ID:
150227
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Oxon, Routledge, 2017.
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| Description |
xx, 273p.: figures, maps, tablespbk
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| Series |
Routledge Advances in South Asian Studies
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| Standard Number |
9781138064522
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058931 | 327.54051/PAN 058931 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 058932 | 327.54051/PAN 058932 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
141949
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| Summary/Abstract |
SOUTH AFRICA is today not only the leader in its region but also a significant player in the international arena. The country has a distinctive history abounding in events and facts that have evoked reaction all over the world. Russian-South African relations and the former Soviet Union's influence on developments in South Africa, and in the south of the African continent in general, deserve a careful study and indisputably arouse interest among scholars and analysts. But despite the long history of South Africa's relations with the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia, much less is going on now between our countries than one would have expected.
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| 6 |
ID:
182024
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| Summary/Abstract |
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and the Russian Federation have invested their energy in convincing the opposing side about the legitimacy, importance, and even supremacy of their international political narratives. While the West is committed to value based international order, economic and political sanctions, and credible deterrence, Russia is pushing for a concept of a Eurasian center of power, a multipolar world order, and the importance of the Raison d’ État. These two energetic monologues, however, have provided little dialogue or actual results in terms of cooperation or de-escalation. Can these competing concepts be simultaneously successful at all, or does one side need to fundamentally redesign its conceptual principles?
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