|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
073146
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Hampshire, Ashgate, 2006.
|
| Description |
xvi, 234p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0754644812
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 051501 | 973.931/HUN 051501 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
147198
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the rise of social unrest in the Tajik SSR in 1990–1991 from the perspective of the republic’s place within the broader Soviet economy and the collapse of that economy over the course of perestroika (1985–1991). Countering standard narratives of glasnost, democratization and nationalism in Tajikistan, it demonstrates that a close reading of the historical record points to sharp economic downturn as the most plausible immediate cause of the social disorder that came to engulf the Tajik SSR in the final years of the USSR and led to the Tajik Civil War of the 1990s.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
055595
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
091282
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In July 1963, U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk held a private meeting with Dr. Willem Naude, the ambassador from South Africa. "A rough time [is] ahead," Rusk explained as the representative sat down in his office. "We are under enormous pressure but do not intend to give in." Several members of the so-called African bloc at the United Nations had successfully protested the practice of apartheid-South Africa's system of institutionalized racial discrimination-in the Security Council that year, and pressure was rapidly mounting in the General Assembly for mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa. The ambassador looked across Rusk's desk and noted that it was "ironical" that ten years earlier they had been allies in the Cold War, and now his country was being isolated in its struggle against a "common enemy." He went on to assert, "The United States [is] to a large degree responsible for releasing these revolutionary forces in the world. The goal of a great power should be to play down tensions and try to get people to talk together, but the United States without even opening its mouth [has] released dangerous forces in the world." Rusk paused for a moment before responding, "[I wonder] if these forces [are] not deeply rooted in the nature of man. [I wonder] if this discourse has not been going on for 2,000 years. Did not man, like most animals, not like to be pushed around too much?"
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
120357
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Between September 2009 and April 2011, around one-half of the Catalan municipalities held unofficial referendums on independence from Spain, in which more than 800,000 citizens took part. However, the participation rates were unevenly distributed across Catalonia. In this paper, using an original data set, we aim to respond to two relevant questions: first, why in some municipalities the referendum took place and in others it did not occur. Second, why did the referendum achieve high rates of turnout in some localities and much lower participation in others. We find that the resources available to the movement, the intensity of the mobilization efforts, the participatory tradition of the municipalities and the size of the nationalist 'sentiment pool' in each locality explain to a great extent the internal variation in nationalist mobilization in Catalonia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
104114
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article deals with the connection between nationality and democracy and explores the role Switzerland plays in the scholarly debate on this question. It identifies three main theses - liberal-nationalist, liberal-multinationalist and liberal-postnationalist - and shows that each of them uses the Swiss case to claim empirical support. It then analyses the connections between nationality and democracy in Switzerland and demonstrates that the country is neither multinational nor postnational, but is best characterised as a mononational state. These findings expose the fallacy of using Switzerland to claim support for either the multinational or the postnational thesis and call for a reconsideration of them. Additionally, they show that "civic nationalism" and "civic republicanism" can be conflated and that a predominantly civic nation is viable and sustainable and is not necessarily an ethnic nation in disguise. The Swiss case thus provides qualified empirical support for the liberal-nationalist thesis.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
158540
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Defection from North Korea to South Korea has increased dramatically, but little is known of its political consequences. Do North Korean defectors successfully adopt democratic norms, and if so, what factors aid this process? Through a novel survey of defectors, I find that national identification plays a significant role in motivating their fledgling sense of democratic obligation. Greater feelings of national unity with South Koreans lead to a stronger duty to vote and otherwise contribute to the democratic state. This effect is more powerful than that of conventional contractual factors, on which most state resettlement policies are based, and is surprising given that defectors’ nationalist socialization mostly took place under the authoritarian North. The findings suggest the need to reconsider integration approaches toward North Korean defectors and similarly placed refugees elsewhere.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
154213
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
045807
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
BlanndFord, Davison Publishing Limited, 1976.
|
| Description |
x, 170p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0904130088
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 016226 | 960.32/TIM 016226 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
140674
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Allen Lane, 1978.
|
| Description |
431p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0713908742
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018011 | 960/DAV 018011 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
187444
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper revisits the violent annexation of the erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad by the Indian army in 1948 as an inaugural moment of dispossession to reconstruct Hyderabad's twentieth century past along the axes of Muslim belonging and memory. I argue that we must situate twentieth and twenty-first century Hyderabadi Muslim migration in relation to Partition-related displacements and attempts to overcome them through economic conditions provided by migration. The partition of India prompted waves of migration—such as the later migration of Hyderabadi Muslims to the Persian Gulf in the wake of 1970s oil boom—and their sense of displacement persisted long past the mid-twentieth century, reshaping Muslim notions of belonging. The use of the nation-state as the dominant framework to analyze these shifts is insufficient for understanding Hyderabadi Muslims' sense of belonging and citizenship, which must be also contextualized in terms of upward class mobility along the axes of global and local contexts.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
120579
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article highlights the important contribution made by Kamichika Ichiko to the interwar publishing scene by providing an overview of the literary journal Fujin Bungei launched by her and an analysis of three stories it published from leading female writers of the era, Matsuda Tokiko, Hirabayashi Eiko and Asai Hanako. Fujin Bungei was a rare oppositional voice within the media that questioned the narrow nationalism sanctioned and promoted by the Japanese state when others had fallen silent or been silenced. Furthermore, its focus on writing by women provided a forum for passionate and provocative works which shed new light on the downfall of the Proletarian Literature Movement.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
077004
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article combats the empirical deficiencies, theoretical lacunae, and normative biases that beset the literature on nationalism. It focuses on the context of Catalonia in Spain. It documents the diffusion of divergent modes of national identification across different segments of Catalan society. It employs such thick-descriptive detail to challenge the dominant depiction of Catalan nationalism as a "civic nationalism." It demonstrates that the social bases of support for the Catalan nationalist movement are overwhelmingly "ethnic," and that the movement is an elite-led, "top down" project. In addition, it critiques the ideal-typical distinction between "civic" and "ethnic" nationalisms upon which the dominant depiction of Catalan nationalism is based, and it advances an alternative typological distinction between "exclusionary" and "assimilationist" nationalist projects
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
123195
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
THE URGE to apply era-defining labels to global affairs is strong and enduring. A label and a few easy-to-understand attributes associated with it can impart a reassuring simplicity to what is actually a complex and often-intractable reality. While the disadvantages of era labeling, including oversimplification, are probably as great as the advantages, the practice is here to stay.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
087276
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Nationalist Europe of the 19th and 20th centuries was more progressive that the rulers and peoples of Africa and Asia, who until then lived in a pre-nationalist are of feudalism or tribalism. Similarly, now the contention is that the counries and peoples of Africa and Asia are passing through a historic phase which Europe has already left behind.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
073138
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
076746
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2007.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Alfred Marshall has been seen as an economic liberal and one of the founders of the neo-classical school. However, this article challenges such conventional wisdom and argues that Marshall is best understood as an economic nationalist. Economic nationalism has been falsely associated with mercantilism, the zero-sum view of international economies, and so on. However, a new approach for studying economic nationalism has recently been proposed to redefine its conception. The present article shows that Marshall's economic thought is compatible with this new conception of economic nationalism. Marshall emphasised the role of nationality in the economic process. The characteristics of his economic thought, such as the evolutionary view of economy, conform more closely to Friedrich List's economic nationalism than to economic liberalism. By portraying Marshall's theory as that of economic nationalism, the author concludes that economic nationalism can have a systematic theory.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
125621
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Algerian war resituated the meaning of "Muslims" and "Jews" in France in relation to religion and "origins" and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced-and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly "European." Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
019171
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Jan 2001.
|
| Description |
539-582
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
167242
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this paper is to examine the story of the American Baptists and how their mission activities in the Naga Hills District (1871–1955) have impacted upon present day politics in the Indian state of Nagaland. Baptists make up nearly 95% of the current Naga population in Nagaland. The paper will investigate the relationship between the Baptist mission’s philosophy on education, Christian conversion and the subsequent rise of a sense of ‘national community’ amongst the Nagas. Although the primary motivation for the American missionaries was to convert, the British administrators also thought that introducing Christianity would prevent influence on these tribes from Hindu and Muslim groups. Thus began Christianity’s part in a developing framework for resistance in this region, raising significant questions with regard to Christianity’s persistence as a form of political articulation in contemporary Nagaland. This political articulation, I suggest, is related to a greater sense of agency brought about by Christianity and Missionary activities in the fields of education and print. The American Baptist Foreign Mission Society (ABFMS) was at the forefront of these changes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|