|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
127066
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
With the changing nature of warfare and the increasing awareness of the specific gender dimensions of war and peace, the international legal framework has been expanded to address the particular challenges faced by women in conflict and post-conflict contexts. This process culminated in 2000 with the first United Nations document to explicitly address the role and needs of women in peace processes: United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on women, peace and security. Thirteen years on, this article assesses the extent to which Australia's stated commitment to women, peace and security principles at the level of the international norm has translated into meaningful action on the ground in the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI). The analysis shows that despite it being an ideal context for a mission informed by UNSCR 1325, and Australia being strongly committed to the resolution's principles and implementation, the mission did not unfold in a manner that fulfilled Australia's obligations under UNSCR 1325. The RAMSI case highlights the difficulty in getting new security issues afforded adequate attention in the traditional security sphere, suggesting that while an overarching policy framework would be beneficial, it may not address all the challenges inherent in implementing resolutions such as UNSCR 1325
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
128127
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The 11 September attacks in the United States caused NATO to invoke article 5 of the NATO charter for the first time in history. The article states that an attack on any member shall be considered to be attack on all. The invocation was confirmed on 4 October 2001 when NATO determined that the attacks were indeed eligible under the terms of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Eagle Assist and Operation Active Endeavour, a naval operation in the Mediterranean sea and is designed to prevent the movement of terrorists or weapons of mass destruction as well as to enhance the security of shipping the general which began on 4 October 2001.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
133369
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A complete analysis of ISAF's combat commitment within Afghanistan is impossible to summaries in a single article; but, by focusing on specific campaign factors, some lessons for the future can be discerned while a little more time remains with boots on the ground.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
132344
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A number of the NGOs now working in Afghanistan, like Oxfam, Afghan Aid and the Agha Khan Foundation have been there for many years and show no sign of planning to leave when NATO troops withdraw. This article is written by a committee member of the Norwegian Afghanistan Committee, which was formally established in Bergen in 1980, as a political reaction to the Soviet invasion. In 1983, the Committee started sending health workers into unoccupied areas of the country and their activities have continued ever since, though the Soviets left nearly a quarter of a century ago. The goodwill and contacts built up over time by the Committee and other NGOs have been important in validating their presence, their activities and their motives. To be useful in Afghanistan needs a commitment to the long haul.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
133161
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The war in Afghanistan is not over. Nor is it ending any time soon. The U.S. role may end in 2016, in whole or in part, but the war will continue-and its ultimate outcome is very much in doubt. The conflict is now stalemated militarily, and will likely stay that way as long as outsiders pay the large bills needed to keep the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) in the field and fighting. The war will thus grind onward until this funding dries up or the two sides negotiate a compromise settlement, neither of which is imminent. Depending on how any talks unfold, historians in 2050 could thus look back on this war as a costly but tolerable outcome for the West, as a wasteful disaster, or as something in between; for now, all we know for sure is that it continues.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
131852
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article attempts to touch upon the relations between Afghanistan and Tajikistan, two neighboring countries, from the historical perspective and the current period. The article analyses the history of Afghanistan-Tajikistan relations during and after the Soviet era, especially during the Afghan Mujahideen's struggle against the Soviet occupational army and Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the Tajikistan civil war of 1992-1997, and after September 11, 2001. In addition, the issues of the ethnic Tajiks in Afghanistan, the violent and vulnerable Tajik-Afghan border, the withdrawal of NATO troops from Afghanistan in 2014 and its impact on Afghanistan-Tajikistan relations, and the new phase of economic relations and an effective cooperation between the both countries are discussed. The article tries to fill the gaps within the body of existing literature and understanding concerning the topic.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
|
| 8 |
ID:
132085
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
One of the key issues to be discussed at the forthcoming NATO summit will be preparation for future military engagements after more than a decade of counter-insurgency operations in Afghanistan. Antulio J Echevarria II revisits some of the key lessons to be drawn from this experience, and highlights the questions that will need to be addressed if the Alliance is to be equipped to meet future challenges in a changing world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
132034
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The question of how to represent the U.S. role in the Middle East brings to the fore the question that Edward Said first raised in 1978 in Orientalism about the nature of American understandings of the Middle East. More than three decades after the publication of his book, Said's criticism of Orientalist scholarship-and his accompanying plea for a secular humanistic interpretation to replace it-remain both topical and enigmatic. It is one thing to criticize American representations of foreign cultures; it is an entirely different matter to study American engagements with them. These are by no means unrelated endeavors, but by the same token, they entail very different conceptions of what constitutes a field of inquiry and how to go about studying it comprehensively. The recent emergence of a more critical scholarship of America and the Middle East, therefore, begs the question of whether it is possible to write a history that takes both the Americans and Arabs equally seriously despite the prevailing political climate, and ultimately what kind of methodology this might entail for the rewriting of U.S.-Arab relations, and more broadly, American involvement in the world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
132781
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Iran is negotiating with a group of six states over the future of its nuclear program. In November 2013, Iran and the P5+1 (China, France, Germany, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) agreed to a Joint Plan of Action that seeks to reach a "comprehensive solution" by July 20, 2014.
The goal is an agreement on a set of measures that can provide reasonable assurance that Iran's nuclear program will be used only for peaceful purposes and enable the lifting of international sanctions imposed on Iran over the past decade because of proliferation concerns.
A key challenge is to reach agreement on limiting Iran's uranium-enrichment program, which is based on gas centrifuges, in a way that would enable Iran to meet what it sees as its future needs for low-enriched uranium (LEU) fuel for nuclear research and power reactors while forestalling the possibility that this program could be adapted to quickly produce highly enriched uranium at levels and in amounts suitable for use in nuclear weapons
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
131832
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In its 2008 World Development Report, the World Bank pleaded for a 'Green Revolution' for sub-Saharan Africa, pointing particularly to the importance of including smallholder farmers. This article focuses on the banana cropping system in Rwanda, and on the agricultural innovations introduced within this system. We first consider macro-level innovations that are designed to promote a modernized agricultural sector and that correspond to the rationale of the Green Revolution. We analyse how such 'top-down' innovations are received on the ground and show how smallholders seek to evade new government policies when they fail to reflect local economic and social realities. This demonstrates how some rural Rwandans are challenging the authority of the government in disguised ways in order to protect their local livelihoods. The Rwandan experience should inspire continent-wide Green Revolution policies to take account of the risk-coping rationale of small-scale farmers and their capacity to innovate 'from below'.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
132006
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
On a wintry January evening in 1973, the members of Amnesty International USA Group 11 gathered on the Upper East Side of New York City to adopt a new prisoner of conscience, Sutanti Adit of Indonesia. Adit, a medical doctor and the wife of the leader of the Indonesian Communist Party, had been arrested and imprisoned in the ruthless campaigns of repression that followed a failed 1965 coup against the Sukarno government, which had ruled Indonesia since its formal independence from Dutch colonial control in 1950. She was among more than a hundred thousand Indonesians arrested, interrogated (often under torture), and imprisoned by the state. As many as fifty thousand of them remained in custody for more than a decade housed in prison camps whose sanitation, medical facilities, and food were inadequate at best. They were permitted very limited contact with the outside world, including family and friends, and harshly mistreated by prison guards.1
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
134082
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes a model for assessment of peacekeeping operations. Peacekeeping operations began in 1948, under the authority of the United Nations in order to provide and sustain a peaceful environment throughout the world. International organizations such as the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the African Union undertake peacekeeping operations in different geographical regions of the world. However, they lack some aspects of the assessment process. There were studies conducted previously in order to determine the principles of the assessment process of peacekeeping operations but none of them presented a comprehensive solution. Therefore, in this study, a clear, comprehensive and detailed assessment model was proposed, which may be applied in future peace operations and shed more light on the subject for future researches.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
130897
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
I will speak about the situation in Armenia. On September 3, 2013 at the meeting with President Putin in Moscow, our President Serzh Sargsyan announced that Armenia would join the custom union. This statement echoed all over the world : in the evening, all leading information agencies and the media - BBC, Euronews and the Wall Street Journal were discussing it; they concluded that Russia had put pressure on Armenia.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
127862
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A senior State Department official last month defended the Arms Trade Treaty, signed by the U.S. government in September, after 50 senators wrote to President Barack Obama saying they would oppose the pact. In the Oct. 15 letter, the senators charged that the treaty undermines U.S. credibility, threatens the rights of gun owners, and impinges on U.S. sovereignty. The lawmakers said they "cannot give [their] advice and consent to this treaty" and "do not regard the U.S. as bound to uphold its object and purpose."
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
132005
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The United States' military-strategic pivot toward Asia is motived by concerns about a rising China, about the increased significance of Asia on the world economic and political stages, and about the growing risks of nuclear proliferation and nuclear first use in that region. Nuclear Asia already numbers five acknowledged or de facto nuclear weapons states among its members: Russia, China, North Korea, India, and Pakistan. Failure to reverse North Korea's nuclear weapons status or political distrust among other powers may increase the number of Asian nuclear weapons states (including states with prospective nuclear-missile reach into Asia) to eight, creating an Asian-Middle Eastern nuclear arms race that defies containment. On the other hand, an alternative presents itself, in the form of a multilateral nuclear arms reduction agreement that would create three tiers of accepted nuclear weapons states and bar the door to new admits.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
132212
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It remains unclear whether the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) is a well-structured terror organization that poses a strategic threat, or a loosely organized collection of bandits that poses limited risk. Efforts to assess the nature of the organization are complicated by flaws in existing datasets on Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs). ASG's role in kidnappings serves as a test-case to estimate incongruities among four major datasets on VNSAs. Original data collected at the agent level provides an additional point of comparison and also serves to test the efficacy of ASG's knowledge-dissemination structures, which are key in determining VNSAs' strategic capacities.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
128999
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Iranian military intervention in Oman (1972-75) proved to be one of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's most successful foreign policy initiatives. He entered at the request of Sultan Qabus to help quell the Marxist rebellion of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman in Dhufar province. The shah took this action without any prior consultation with either Britain or the United States, acting for reasons wholly related to Iran's regional security. In so doing, he angered most of his Arab neighbors, who protested vigorously. He persisted. His troops tipped the balance in favor of the sultan's forces, contributing to a speedy end to the insurrection, for which Iran earned the lasting gratitude of the sultan.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
131424
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
From its foundation in 1918, the new Austrian republic was gripped by famine and a crisis of confidence in its currency that threatened to tip the new state into hyperinflation and revolution. This article shows how western efforts to aid Austria combat famine and its financial crisis were linked, and how they had a profound impact on the new League of Nations, the world's first multi-purpose intergovernmental organization. It also demonstrates the importance of the incipient wartime international bureaucracy for League agency. Contrary to the expectations of its architects, member governments, international financiers, businessmen and economists began to see the League as a useful tool to meet common needs that today would be called the search for human security. The article demonstrates how the Austrian food and financial crisis was the founding moment in the institutionalization of international economic and financial coordination, cooperation and oversight. It established the Economic and Financial Organization of the League of Nations, whose work would later inform its successors, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the European Union. The study speaks to the ways in which the notion of security has broadened in the past two decades to embrace economic, social, political and environmental concerns. But the notion of 'human security' is not new; it was written into the body of the League.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
131619
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The first multinational conference dedicated exclusively to robotic warfare took place May 13-16 at the UN Office at Geneva as governments around the world confront the emerging technologies that policymakers call "lethal autonomous weapons systems" and headline writers have dubbed "killer robots." The three-day meeting featured diplomats, scholars, and activists debating the implications of new weapons that could automatically target and kill people without human control. Although few such weapons exist now, revolutionary developments in sensors and robotics have stoked fears in some quarters that these weapons systems could make warfare less risky for the attacker and therefore more indiscriminate, but raised hopes in others that they might reduce civilian casualties.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|