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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
183743
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article is a study of the reception of antisemitism, and its appeal among Turkish nationalists and state elites in the 1930s and 1940s. Based on a closed reading of the investigation of İnkılâp, the first antisemitic journal published in Turkey, by state bureaucrats in 1933, the article argues that antisemitism in the 1930s offered Turkish nationalist actors of competing convictions a tool to legitimize contending versions of Turkish nationalism, as well as a novel language to legitimize already existing antiminority practices explicitly against local Jews. Nationalist actors could thus discriminate against Turkish Jews without reference to religious difference. Finally, this study has detected an increased input of European post-First World War European antisemitism, especially the German post-Versailles conspiratorial ‘stab-in-the-back’ antisemitic theme and argues that this association had been facilitated by the increased relations between the Ottoman Empire/Turkey and Germany since the late nineteenth century.
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| 2 |
ID:
126644
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article studies the campaign against the use of non-Turkish languages that was organized by local forces in Izmir in 1934. In contextualizing the campaign within domestic politics and state-society relation, the article attempts to study domestic politics through a local perspective and explore the impact that similar events in the periphery had in the centre's policies, which the literature is usually inclined to comprehend solely with reference to state 'high politics'. The article argues that cases of autonomous mobilization from below, such as the 1934 Izmir campaign, contributed to the evolution of the Turkish political regime in the 1930s by turning the centre towards decisions that would redesign the relationship between the state and the ruling party, and have an impact on state-society relations.
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| 3 |
ID:
154941
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through a close reading of hitherto untapped archival sources, this article looks at the 1939 Turkish elections and argues that through extensive denunciation, petitioning, and an unofficial pre-election procedure, provincial urbanites had local candidates selected as MPs while discarding candidates proposed by Ankara. Petitioning and clandestine but extensive mobilization from below had an impact on state–society relations, state policies, and politics. Petitions, denunciations, and their processing constituted a communicative and essentially political space that facilitated state–society interaction and served as a means of empowerment of social actors at the local level to negotiate and modify the policies of an authoritarian single-party regime. In turn, the state appeared pragmatic in its attempt to boost its legitimacy through considering societal demands, although, in doing so, it demonstrated class, ethnic, educational, and religious biases. Nevertheless, in this way the regime became more amenable to popular participation and its policies to manipulation by society.
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