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| 1 |
ID:
126984
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that although the state elites of Singapore use “Venice” as an image to legitimate the People's Action Party's continuous rule and unpopular immigration policies, the image has both empowered and constrained the state. To the state, Venice serves as a keyword that conjures up dynamism, progress, and continuity; to its critics, however, Venice signals the state's willingness to focus on the intangible elements of nationhood, namely culture and the arts. These critics use the ambiguities of the Venice rhetoric to legitimate their own appeals for change, especially after discovering that the “shared vision” of Venice is mainly in economic terms. By so doing, detractors of the state contest the centrality of economics in the making of modern-and future-Singapore, rendering the use of “Venice” as an image to promote the concept of a Global City problematic.
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| 2 |
ID:
126970
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper attempts to provide a concrete response and analysis to the decline of Chinese identity in Taiwan. Our focus is on the problem of "Chinese identity" and how this identity is gradually fading, as is evident in long-term public opinion polls conducted by various academic institutions in Taiwan between 1992 and 2012. This paper provides two perspectives to analyze the phenomenon. One is that the occurrence of political events impacts identification, and creates a lasting effect on younger generations. These events seem to have a greater and more continuous impact on the younger and better educated generations. Second, the gradual passing with age of the first generation of waishengren (people of Mainland Chinese origin who came to Taiwan after World War II and their descendents) has contributed somewhat to the decline of Chinese identity, but not enough to be a critical factor. Therefore, this paper provides a preliminary explanation that political events play a key role in influencing the decline of "Chinese identity" in Taiwan.
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| 3 |
ID:
126969
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper studies the connection between the emergence and market making activities of the large Korean entertainment houses and the global level success of "K-pop," an increasingly popular type of Korean popular music. We review a set of conventional explanations, respectively pointing to cultural factors, government support, and technological development as core factors that led to the global success of K-pop. We find all three explanations unsatisfactory and, alternatively, building on studies of market intermediaries, argue that the roles of three large entertainment houses-SM Entertainment, YG Entertainment, and JYP Entertainment-have been the most crucial in the development and success of K-pop. Through combining data from Korean music charts, newspaper articles, and revenue data, we trace the increasingly systematic musical production strategies of the entertainment houses and the macro-consequences of their organizational activities.
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| 4 |
ID:
126965
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against all odds, South Korea's 2010 local elections were a landslide victory for the coalition of the opposition political parties. This article aims to provide an insight on the dynamic nature of Korean elections and politics by using a public opinion survey in Seoul's mayoral election as a case study. This article finds that the "north wind" triggered by the sinking of the South Korean battleship Cheonan helped the ruling party candidate, but not as much as the ruling party had hoped. Furthermore, a high turnout of the younger voters helped the opposition party candidate by showing a clear generation gap in terms of the important issues, ideology, and party orientation.
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| 5 |
ID:
126979
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Turmoil in the Taiwan Strait addresses Ambassador Wellington Koo's role in Chinese foreign policy from 1953 to 1956 and his relevance in the larger Cold War context. In particular, it focuses on Koo's involvement in the 1954 Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty and the 1955 Dachen Islands Crisis. This paper argues that, although Koo accomplished a fair amount during this time, he would have encountered fewer professional obstacles had he not represented Chiang Kai-Shek, who had become a controversial figure by the mid-1950s. At the same time, one can conclude that Koo creatively used media and meetings with statesmen abroad to shore up support for the Republic of China during this turbulent decade. This article attempts to provide another perspective on Koo, who has traditionally been understudied in the West. Furthermore, this work seeks to add a meaningful contribution to the historiography on cross-strait relations-particularly in the contemporary era.
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