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| 1 |
ID:
162606
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| Summary/Abstract |
If justice and prosperity are to go hand in hand, a new social settlement in the labour market is urgently needed. The IPPR proposals provide a good start that could begin to transform the UK labour market, particularly by re‐establishing collective regulation. However, the programme is incomplete. Welfare reform is not addressed yet Universal Credit can be expected to have negative impacts on the labour market. Most importantly the report, despite offering some useful measures for gender equality, does not seize the political moment, as concerns rise over job displacement, to argue for shorter working time that could help to transform the gender division of paid and unpaid work.
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| 2 |
ID:
155422
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| Summary/Abstract |
Brexit and support for anti-establishment insurgencies suggest that British politics is moving away from the old left–right opposition towards a new divide between the defenders and detractors of progressive liberalism. As this article suggests, progressive liberalism differs significantly from both classical and new liberalism. It fuses free-market economics with social egalitarianism and identity politics. Both the hard left and the radical right reject this combination and want to undo a number of liberal achievements.
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| 3 |
ID:
127150
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| 4 |
ID:
154693
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| Summary/Abstract |
A number of studies have examined the role of the economically marginalized classes in the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the events which transpired in its immediate aftermath. It has been suggested that the mass mobilization of these classes, often referred to collectively as the mostazafin (downtrodden) in the official literature of the Islamic Republic, was instrumental in the success of the revolution and the subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic under the leadership of Ruhollah Khomeini. The present paper contrasts Shi’i liberation theology and Shi’i Islamism as two distinct pro-mostazafin discourses that emerged in mid- and late-twentieth century Iran, and which facilitated the participation of the lower- and under-classes in the revolutionary movement. It argues that while it was developed originally by Shi’i liberation theologians, Islamist forces were able to successfully appropriate the pro-mostazafin discourse and gain the support of the economically marginalized classes in the crucial final phase of the revolution, and in doing so create an important social base for their political power.
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