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| 1 |
ID:
057187
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| 2 |
ID:
087410
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has become imperative for Africa to map out a starategy ogf regional cooperation and integration and lay the foundation for sustainable development. The establishment of AU is a step in that direction. It aims at achieving greater unity and solidarity and accelerating the political and socio-economic integration of the continent.
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| 3 |
ID:
083439
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following decades of feeble attempts, Africa's states have recently made great strides in establishing an elaborate security architecture to tackle the continent's many perils. I argue that the emergence and particular structure of this architecture and its institutional layers are best described by the constructivist concept of multilayered security communities. While this concept is based on the original idea of security communities by Karl Deutsch and its later adaptation by Emmanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, it recognizes the increasing prominence of elaborate multi-level security cooperation in the developing world and the difficulties of the original theoretical framework to account therefor. Consequently, it combines security community terminology with notions such as organized complementarity and multi-level governance to do conceptual justice to systems like Africa's decentralized collective security arrangement.
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| 4 |
ID:
102399
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At their 1998 Saint-Malo summit, the UK and French governments promised to set aside a century of rivalry and cooperate more closely on Africa. They also signalled their intention to develop a continent-wide focus on Africa, which would include building up the capacity of regional organisations. They were helped in this latter goal by the winding up of the OAU and its replacement by the AU in 2002. This article therefore examines the extent and nature of Anglo-French cooperation vis-à-vis the AU. It sets out briefly the history of UK and French neglect of the OAU, reviews the key developments that pushed for a more coordinated stance on the AU, and then - drawing on extensive interviews in London, Paris, Brussels, Addis Ababa and Dakar - evaluates the extent of Anglo-French cooperation. It concludes by noting the uneven nature of Anglo-French cooperation vis-à-vis the AU and assesses the reasons for this.
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| 5 |
ID:
020187
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| Publication |
Jan-June 2001.
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| Description |
113-120
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| 6 |
ID:
116357
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The protection of civilians is a priority in most international peace operations today. There are important differences in the concept, however, in the operations undertaken for example by the UN, NATO, EU and the AU. In particular, a distinction needs to be made between the protection of civilians in 'peacekeeping' as compared to 'peace enforcement' operations. While in the former a 'proactive' approach to protecting civilians is usually adopted, in the latter a 'reactive' approach is normally required. These theoretical differences present important implications for those decision-makers mandating the operations as well as those involved in planning and implementing them in the field.
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| 7 |
ID:
105166
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of the human security norm in global security studies continues to attract debates among international relations experts and security analysts. One of the dimensions of the debate is centred on the security focus of the newly created African Union (AU) that replaced the Organisation of African Unity on 26 May 2001. In view of the impact of violent conflicts on socioeconomic development of African states and peoples, the African Union has made the pursuit of peace and security one of its central functions. The security focus of the AU is fostering intra-regional cooperation as well as interregional cooperation to develop the AU's capacity to intervene in conflicts. This article explores the interregional security cooperation that is emerging between the North Atlantic Security Organization (NATO) and the African Union with regard to the building of the capability of the African Standby Force (ASF). I argue that the AU-NATO security cooperation is a unique relationship in the history of regional organisations in Africa and that this relationship has been fostered by a shared 'militarised' understanding of human security and the threat that insecurity in Africa poses to global security.
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| 8 |
ID:
139362
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| Summary/Abstract |
The state of peace and security poses several continuing challenges in the African continent, which has its roots in the history. Besides the steady progress of African Union’s (AU) achievements, the continent is still faced with certain incessant conflicts. While the efforts of AU and the regional organisations are appreciative, yet due to paucity of funds of many African countries including the AU itself, many a time faced with obligation of providing maximum thrust in performing their task.
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| 9 |
ID:
172097
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As the crisis in the Sudan unfolded after the overthrow of long time President Omar al-Bashir, the Director of the East African Standby Force (EASF) purportedly made a statement to the effect that the force was ready to intervene should the situation become genocidal. Using the case of its failed intervention in Burundi crisis, this article argues that the EASF deployment in the Sudan would generally not be feasible for reasons including: the government of the Sudan would not consent to the intervention; the ongoing dialogue between the warring parties would preclude any intervention; and the lack of capacity of the force to actually deploy. From its failed deployment in Burundi, these lessons can be discerned: first, that for any deployment of the EASF to be authorised, the policy organs especially of the AU must be aligned in their understanding of the situation. Secondly, where there are alternative means of dealing with the situation, military intervention would not be authorised. Lastly, that consent of the host state must be procured before deployment is undertaken out of respect for the principle of sovereignty.
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| 10 |
ID:
107823
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