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| 1 |
ID:
127651
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Spontaneous and organized population movements have long been used as a means of promoting a country's goals of development and national integration. At the local level, on the other hand, these movements have frequently done the opposite, fueling local grievances, sharpening group distinctions, and at times creating 'sons-of-the-soil' conflicts. In this paper, I explore this apparent tension between the national political rationale for internal migration and the political impact such migration has had locally, in four minority regions of China and Indonesia. I argue that the specific manner in which migration affects local politics is influenced by a country's political regime. In Indonesia, the impact of migration is observed in electoral politics, where 'politics of place' have been allowed to emerge. In China, it is perceived in the curbing of national minorities' territorial autonomy. The role played by local elites and group competition between indigenous people and migrants are also reviewed.
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| 2 |
ID:
127648
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Indonesia has approximately 240 million people, and more than 85% of the population are Muslims. Whilst incidents of religious intolerance have frequently been reported in the mass media, political Islam in Indonesia, represented by Islamic political parties, seems to have failed to gain popular support. Against this conflicting standing of Islam and Islamic organizations in Indonesia, this study focuses on Muslim religiosity and perceptions of the role of Islam in contemporary Indonesia. Based on our survey of 1500 Muslims in Indonesia in 2010, and case studies in regional Indonesia, this paper shows that, due to sociocultural change in regional Indonesia, and the diffusion of religious authority through media use, Indonesian Muslims are becoming less political Islamists, and more sociocultural Islamists who are attempting to advocate Islamic morality. This trend is in line with scholarly observations of post-Islamism prevalent in other parts of the Muslim world.
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| 3 |
ID:
127649
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Development is conventionally understood in various ways including economic growth, increase of gross domestic product (GDP), rise of per-capita income, improvement of social facilities, political stabilities, and women's empowerment and many other issues, but it finally means bringing positive changes in the life of people. However, development is always contextual because the notion and nature of development often varies from society to society depending on the context of local-societal dynamics. Therefore what is regarded globally accepted model of development can be challenged by the local discourse of development, since local-level perception could contest the universal model. This article addresses such a case of development which is conceptualised from the social and cultural point of view amid everyday experiences of ordinary people's lives. The article contextualises its argument with specific reference to the Khumi people living in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh.
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| 4 |
ID:
127650
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite much research work on the effect of social capital or the production of social capital along ethno-linguistic or racial dimensions, there is hardly any study in this line along the much fragmented character of Indian ethnicity. This article studies the impact of ethnicity along caste and religious dimensions on the growth of social capital in the Indian context. A simple theoretical model indicates that individual ethnicity formed out of individuals' separate pairwise connections with people, who are either of the same ethnic dimension or of different ethnic dimensions, is the only factor affecting endogenous social capital growth. Empirical results suggest that all forms of individual social capital are higher for people who are of the same caste or religion. It also shows that individuals' ethnicity with the same caste or religion is the only factor influencing high performance on the productivity of aggregate social capital in general and nonstructural form of social capital in particular.
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| 5 |
ID:
127645
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, Singaporeans have become highly anxious about the future of their country and their own personal livelihood due to the influx of educated and professional migrants known as 'foreign talent' and express their ire at the presence of these migrants through xenophobic posts online. This article suggests that such comments, however, are indicative of the feelings of disillusionment and abandonment Singaporeans have towards the People's Action Party - the only government Singaporeans have ever known. While Singaporeans have been critical of their government on economic issues that impact their lifestyle and existence, it is the presence of foreign talent migrants that have pushed Singaporeans into using the migrant situation to emotively express their opinions of disappointment in the government and its policies online like no other issue, functioning as the unlikely glue that has galvanised and united an ethnically disparate Singaporean population.
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| 6 |
ID:
127644
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article turns three different analytical mirrors onto the Xinhai Revolution - 1911, 1961, 2011 - in order to interrogate its evolving significance in the minds of China's Han ethnic and ruling elite. In particular, it seeks to demonstrates the discursive appropriation of the Qing nomadic frontier in the ways in which the 1911 Revolution is remembered and commemorated, exploring both the temporal and spatial dimensions of this appropriation, and how the revolution shifted from a bloody Han racial insurrection against Manchu power and privilege to a heroic celebration of the revival of a multiethnic Chinese nation-state in the face of foreign imperialism and oppression.
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