| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
129942
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Policymakers in advanced economies tend to postpone reforms and budgetary adjustment, which are politically costly, until the deterioration of financial market sentiment makes these measures unavoidable. Such a strategy is economically costly and politically dangerous. It is costly because once market sentiment deteriorates confidence can be restored only through drastic and much more painful measures. Austerity can be avoided only with a credible reform agenda. The strategy is also dangerous because the argument that "there is no other alternative" cannot be repeated indefinitely by governments that fail to act earlier. The risk that citizens may be attracted to populist solutions increases.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
131486
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Do international court judgments influence the behavior of actors other than the parties to a dispute? Are international courts agents of policy change or do their judgments merely reflect evolving social and political trends? We develop a theory that specifies the conditions under which international courts can use their interpretive discretion to have system-wide effects. We examine the theory in the context of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues by creating a new data set that matches these rulings with laws in all Council of Europe (CoE) member states. We also collect data on LGBT policies unaffected by ECtHR judgments to control for the confounding effect of evolving trends in national policies. We find that ECtHR judgments against one country substantially increase the probability of national-level policy change across Europe. The marginal effects of the judgments are especially high where public acceptance of sexual minorities is low, but where national courts can rely on ECtHR precedents to invalidate domestic laws or where the government in power is not ideologically opposed to LGBT equality. We conclude by exploring the implications of our findings for other international courts.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
128209
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Throughout the nineteenth century British statesmen had to concern themselves with the condition and prospects of the Ottoman Empire, both in Europe and the Near East. This article concentrates on the views and attitudes of Lord Palmerston, W.E. Gladstone, and the third Marquess of Salisbury, all of whom were in high office for over 30 years. Palmerston, who considered the Ottoman Empire an essential component in the balance of power, was the most Turcophile of the three. Gladstone attempted to bring into existence a Concert of Europe with authority to support the continued existence of the empire. Salisbury was prepared to contemplate an orderly dismemberment of it, in such a way as to reduce rivalry between the greater powers.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|