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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
139118
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| Summary/Abstract |
From 2006 to 2011, al Qaeda's East African proxy, al Shabaab, served as de facto ruling party of Somalia despite the efforts of the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government (TFG). During these five years, a violent struggle between al Shabaab and the Burundian and Ugandan Peacekeepers of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) resulted in thousands of dead civilians, hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons, and a strategic environment inhospitable to reconciliation, recovery, or development. Beginning in August 2011, AMISOM was able to break the deadlock and force al Shabaab from Mogadishu, then subsequently, Kismayo, and ultimately to consolidate and reorganize in the Somali hinterland. In order to continue the momentum, the African Union and other partner nations must support the newly recognized Somali Federal Government (SFG), neutralize al Shabaab, and provide good governance to its constituents. Al Shabaab's revenue streams must be shut down and their offensive capability must be degraded while the strategic environment is shaped to ensure that conditions conducive to a revival do not exist. Failure to do so will likely see Somalia continuing to produce Islamic extremists and pirates to menace international maritime traffic in the Western Indian Ocean, destabilize East Africa, and adversely impact millions.
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| 2 |
ID:
129507
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| 3 |
ID:
159966
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hybridisation is often conceptualised as a ‘liminal’ occurrence, a ‘contact point’ or the product of an ‘interface’. This tends to invoke the very binaries that the concept seeks to overcome, because it assumes that a meeting between separate entities must occur for hybrid orders to emerge. Instead, this article argues that processes of hybridisation and how they assemble disparate types of authority lie at the very core of how social processes evolve. The argument is substantiated empirically by exploring the internal and external dynamics that have shaped and partly fragmented the security sector of Puntland, the largest and most stable region in Somalia (beyond Somaliland). The analysis centres on attempts by the United Nations (UN) to support the Puntland government in reducing numbers of the region’s constitutionally recognised security forces. In this analysis, the article shows how the Puntland government necessarily has to balance and negotiate conflicting demands of clan leaders, the global and regional security interests of individual governments, notably the United Arab Emirates and the United States of America, as well as continued pressure from the ‘international community’, formally represented by the UN, to act as a functioning regional centre within a federal Somalia.
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