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| 1 |
ID:
130967
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Australia's victory in securing temporary seats on the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations Executive Board has been much celebrated. This provides an important platform for Australia to further the agenda of women's rights worldwide. As part of this agenda, Australia has provided a commitment to implement United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security through the development of the National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security 2012-2018, released in 2012. This article examines the early thoughts and efforts towards the implementation of this plan. It demonstrates that while there is a broad rhetorical commitment to implementation by Australian actors, there are nonetheless challenges that may threaten its success. Based in part upon interviews with Australian government representatives and policy makers, and activists and advocates of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, this article highlights the success, challenges and opportunities that have so far been associated with implementing this important Resolution.
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| 2 |
ID:
130966
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, the Australian government emphasised international peace and security and Indigenous peoples as two of the eight key elements supporting its nomination. Australia's positive track record in support of the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the delivery of an Australian National Action Plan (NAP) along with recognition of historical injustices to Indigenous Australians, was highlighted as a valid and important argument in favour of its nomination. The Australian NAP, however, has all but ignored the local context in its development and application, focusing instead on its commitments abroad. This framing of the Australian NAP is informed, firstly, by the WPS agenda policy framework applying to conflict and post-conflict situations, and, secondly, by its location within the UN mandate, requiring those situations to be internationally recognised. This article applies Nancy Fraser's tripartite justice framework to reveal that the Australian NAP gives rise to the political injustice of 'misrepresentation' in relation to intra-state (violent), domestically situated Indigenous-settler relations, which are denied the status of ongoing internationally recognised conflict. The author suggests that the remedy to this injustice is to reframe and recognise the conflict status of Indigenous-settler relations in the localisation of the Australian NAP. This localisation creates openings for Indigenous Australian women to engage with the WPS agenda in meaningful ways.
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| 3 |
ID:
130968
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How has the Women, Peace and Security agenda been advanced in the Pacific Islands? While some observers argue that this region suffers from a contagion of unrest, violence and state weakness, these estimates commonly ignore the vital work women have performed in the region as promoters of peace and security. Even when such activity places them in direct personal danger, women across the region have spearheaded efforts to bridge communal boundaries and challenge the increasing normalisation of violence, gendered and otherwise, that accompanies threatened or actual incidents of conflict. As this article demonstrates, these efforts have had profound impacts on the ground in conflict-affected Pacific Island countries. They have also received increased recognition at the level of institutional politics, with member states of the Pacific Islands Forum recently accepting a Regional Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. This has been hailed as a significant achievement for the region's women peacebuilders. But much of this plan is focused on women's contributions to peacebuilding at the pointy end of a crisis. This overlooks the extent to which the 'slow violence' of environmental degradation, masculinised politics and militarism also compound gendered insecurity in the region. Attention to these issues offers a contradictory picture of the gains made in promoting the Women, Peace and Security agenda in the Pacific Islands. While this advocacy framework has provided important opportunities for the region's women peacebuilders, it may also have discouraged broader reflection on the prevailing structural conditions at work across the region which function in an attenuated fashion to undermine women's security and the achievement of a gendered regional peace.
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| 4 |
ID:
132804
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the end of the war in Sri Lanka in May 2009, the discourse on Sri Lanka has largely revolved around the country's human rights record and the Government's attempts at redressing Tamil grievances. Revelations in international media about the scale of human rights violations during the last phase of the military operations against the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Eelam (LTTE) led to mounting international pressure on Sri Lanka for accountability of war crimes. The Sri Lankan Government (SLG), in turn, made efforts to address the issues of resettlement of Internally Displaced Persons (zDPs) and the economic development of war affected zones in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the country. President Mahinda Rajapakse also constituted the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) to recommend measures to address the Tamil problem and framed a National Action Plan (NAP) to implement its recommendations. However, key Tamil grievances, related to the devolution of power, remained largely neglected. Attempts at fixing the accountability for human rights violations were also half-hearted. This was evident in the widely publicised Army Court of Inquiry, appointed to investigate allegations of war crimes, which eventually absolved the Army of any wrong- doing'. This in turn, shaped the international opinion on the SLG's willingness to resolve the Tamil problem. Today the prospects for
reconciliation in Sri Lanka are linked to certain key issues. These include (i) Action related to human rights accountability, (ii) Resumption of dialogue between the main Tamil Party, Tamil National Alliance (TNA), and the Government on finding a political solution to the Tamil grievances and, (iii) Preventing the rise of religious intolerance in the country. The contemporary issues with regard to these aspects are discussed in this paper.
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