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| 1 |
ID:
130580
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China scholarship in Taiwan, in social sciences as well as humanities disciplines, is constituted by the choices of scholars over encountered and constantly reinterpreted imaginations of how China's names, identities and images are contextualised. Due to its colonial history, its civil war and Cold War legacies, and internal cleavages, China scholarship in Taiwan is characterised by strategic shifting among the Japanese, American and Chinese approaches to China, as well as their combination and recombination. The mechanism of choice, including travels that orient, reorient and disorient existing views on China, produces conjunctive scholarship. The rich repertoire of views on China, together with the politics of identity, challenge the objectivist stance of the social sciences to the extent that no view on China could be exempted from political implications and politicised social scrutiny. Concerns over exigent propriety in a social setting are internal to knowledge production. Therefore, understanding the process with which the historically derived approaches inform the China scholarship in Taiwan through the mechanism of encountering reveals both the uncertain nature of knowledge, in general, and the uncertain meaning associated with China worldwide, in particular
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| 2 |
ID:
130588
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As a research institute based in Singapore, the EAI monitors developments in relations and interactions between China and the individual countries of Southeast Asia as well as the ASEAN grouping as a whole. This material is presented in the form of (1) a chronology of events, and (2) important documents.
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| 3 |
ID:
130586
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The prevailing discourse on the Chinese state and its state enterprises is dominated by the application of Western political and economic concepts to China. These concepts ignore China's cultural and political history in which the state plays a major role and is embedded in Chinese society, as well as the role of numerous reform experiments during China's economic transition from a command to a socialist market economy. As a result, most assessments of Chinese state enterprises are unbalanced. The preoccupation with a state-private dichotomy has also led to the failure of recognising the emergence of a distinct corporate entity
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| 4 |
ID:
130581
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the largely overlooked role of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in the promotion of "socialist spiritual civilisation" in contemporising the exemplary role of the Chinese state and in informing the state's efforts to rehabilitate China's cultural traditions. Drawing material from handbooks, newspaper articles and posters published between 1996 and 2002, it may be argued that the ability of the Party to reclaim the achievement of "civilisation" as an ultimate goal in Chinese history has a direct impact on its continuing pursuit to underwrite its long-term legitimacy. This article departs from existing scholarship to locate the CPC's civilising discourses within a historical context that predates the apotheosis of the CPC itself and links them to the sacred mission of maintaining the Chinese civilisation-state.
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| 5 |
ID:
130582
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study incorporates teacher and child perceptions of child school experiences into the examination of the reciprocal influence between teacher and child educational expectations and child academic achievements. Analysing a longitudinal data from north-west rural China, the results highlight strong lagged effects of child school experiences: a child's early feelings of disengagement have strong negative impact on his/her later educational expectations and achievements, while the teacher's early evaluations of the child are closely linked to later teacher expectations and child achievement. A child's family background has almost no direct effect on child and teacher expectations and achievements when controlling child and teacher perceptions of child's progress in school. The findings suggest that future studies should focus more on child school experiences, which is a topic that has brought much insight to disparities in educational outcomes in developed countries
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| 6 |
ID:
130587
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The first decade of the new century had seen an increase in rights-protection protests in urban China. The main participants of these protests were local middle-class residents who initiated protests to raise issues on specific economic and social problems as opposed to abstract sociopolitical issues. They have started to claim rights which were granted to citizens by law in principle but never actually delivered. The sociopolitical changes facilitate the emergence and success of middle-class protests, which in turn have contributed to the improvement of local governance and positively reshaped local politics. However, their influence on the macro political structure of China remains to be seen.
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| 7 |
ID:
130585
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Guangdong has played an important role and been in the vanguard of China's economic reforms and opening up since 1978. Industrial production in Guangdong has expanded rapidly, which in turn led to rapid growth in the economy. Fast industrialisation followed and Guangdong has since developed to become the industrial powerhouse for China and the world. Nevertheless, over the recent years, Guangdong has been facing both internal and external pressures to increase its industrial competitiveness and undertake industrial upgrading. Industrial upgrading has been the focal point of government policies since the early 2000s. However, the results from industrial upgrading are not too encouraging and problematic industrial policies have thwarted the government's aspirations for industrial upgrading rather than speeding up the process. In addition, Guangdong's aspirations to move up the value chain and achieve industrial upgrading are met with various obstacles and challenges. Guangdong's industrial development is still mainly driven by the low-end and low value-added manufacturing industry, and the status quo of Guangdong as the world's low-end assembly and processing base remains unchanged.
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| 8 |
ID:
130583
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although China and Cuba are generally seen as intimate partners, their socialist ideals have begun to diverge from each other since they launched their respective reforms, and Cuba's importance to China in the Western hemisphere is also gradually being replaced by larger economic powers such as Brazil and Mexico. How do the ordinary Chinese perceive Cuba and the Cubans and how does this perception deviate from the official viewpoint? Given the limited knowledge the Chinese have about Cuba, how and why are such perceptions and discrepancies formed? What would be the impact on and implications for future Sino-Cuban relations, Sino-Latin American relations and US-Cuba relations? Would China have to face up to a crisis, the origins of which are in the seemingly risk-free construction of a faraway Latin American image? Presently, the Internet in China is increasingly acknowledged as a meaningful primary source to understand public opinion in general and that of global issues in particular. Using systematic, qualitative research on the Chinese online community, this article addresses the questions raised and concludes by describing the discrepancies between the official and popular Chinese perceptions of Cuba and their implications.
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| 9 |
ID:
130584
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2008-2009 global financial crisis has made budget management and fiscal responsibility more imperative in many developed economies. A budget crisis has not occurred in emerging economies such as China. However, in China, the demands of fiscal responsibility have increased against the backdrop of bulging government revenues in recent years. Over the past decade, the Chinese government has started to promote self-constrained bureaucracy and strengthen its fiscal responsibility and accountability in budget formulation and implementation. The 1999 budget reform that aimed to improve fiscal responsibility was hailed a success by previous literature. Drawing on field research in five counties in China between 2008 and 2010, it is argued that though some achievements have been made, the budget reform has not substantially improved both accountability and transparency within the bureaucracy. The implication of this study is that top-down, supply-side reforms led by the state may not be effective.
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