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| 1 |
ID:
165831
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the June 1967 war, Israel has continuously entrenched its de facto annexation of the West Bank through sovereignty-enhancing facts on the ground, making a mockery of international law.
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| 2 |
ID:
167955
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| Summary/Abstract |
GUY ZIV analyzes the case of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s endorsement of the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He argues that Netanyahu’s June 2009 declaration was a tactical maneuver rather than a reassessment of his beliefs.
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| 3 |
ID:
188837
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, “The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?” Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors.
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| 4 |
ID:
131347
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At a time when Israelis and Palestinians are gathering in Washington to consider peace in the Middle East, most attention is focused on the idea of a one-state or, more likely, two-state solution. A number of scholars, however, have recently developed a third approach which has been appropriately referred to as a 'two-state condominialism'. This approach seeks to overcome the liabilities of the two existing approaches to solving the Middle East conflict while offering a number of its own advantages. Surprisingly, in spite of the similarities among their proposals, none of the authors make reference to, or even acknowledge each other. This article reviews these papers as a collective and considers whether they offer a realistic opportunity for peace in the Middle East.
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| 5 |
ID:
165834
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given how difficult it was to achieve mutual acceptance of the two-state solution, a return to the zero-sum impasse over the conflict will likely only lead to continued conflict and bloodshed.
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| 6 |
ID:
165835
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| Summary/Abstract |
A permanent withdrawal from the north central area of the West Bank, not following a formal agreement but as a way to demonstrate an Israeli commitment to the creation of a Palestinian state, could alter the status quo and provide a basis for further progress .
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| 7 |
ID:
165824
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Hague and Geneva Conventions mandate that the settlements in the West Bank and the Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem are illegal, and a peace agreement must adhere to international norms of justice if it is to secure the buy-in of stakeholders.
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| 8 |
ID:
188834
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| Summary/Abstract |
The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility.
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| 9 |
ID:
165830
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Israel scoring diplomatic victories despite the collapse of the peace process and strengthening its hold over the West Bank, it may soon be facing the challenges of a bi-national state and a rift with world Jewry
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| 10 |
ID:
165820
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sandwiched between the mantras of “There is no alternative to the two-state solution” and “The two-state solution is dead,” the contemporary debate over how to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been reduced to little more than a shouting match between two absolutist camps, both certain that they are correct. It is possible that they both are.
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| 11 |
ID:
188833
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| Summary/Abstract |
In light of the mounting sense of hopelessness and frustration due to the steady deadlock in efforts for solving the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, several proposals have been advocated in this regard with the aim of arriving at a final solution to this intricate conflict. This article examines the current proposal of an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian confederation presented by Prof. Alon Ben-Meir and provides some constructive remarks on a number of themes considered in his proposal.
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| 12 |
ID:
188838
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is an international consensus that the two-state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the current right-wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli-Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben-Meir has recently proposed.
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| 13 |
ID:
188830
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a response to Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation from the perspective of a former Israeli diplomat whose roles included Director General of the Foreign Ministry of Israel and Israel's ambassador to South Africa. A long-time champion of a campaign to promote the recognition of a Palestinian state by European governments, in this piece Ambassador (ret.) Dr. Liel unpacks his personal and professional reasoning as to why he remains wary and hesitant of confederative solutions even if, on the face of it, they may be practically attainable.
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| 14 |
ID:
165756
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| Summary/Abstract |
A clear majority of Israel’s retired high-ranking military and intelligence officials support the establishment of a separate Palestinian state.
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| 15 |
ID:
162645
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| Summary/Abstract |
There are two principal reasons behind the lack of success in reaching a final peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians, namely, the malfunctioning negotiations’ framework from one side and the complexity of the negotiated issues from the other. This article is mainly addressing the bilateral framework’s flaws when it comes to the Oslo accords and the way the two negotiating parties have perceived them. It is an attempt to overhaul the existing Oslo peace process and not to create a new one. Oslo process has become entrenched over more than twenty years of different practices and legal realities. The article is also introducing a negotiating framework that combines the benefits of a multilateral regional track to the Oslo process aiming to redress the latent structural flaws. It is intended not to tackle the final status issues, as there is a plethora of literature doing so. The extensive focus on those complicated issues without redressing the process’ structural flaws has led partially to the current stalemate. The role of any mediator or external partner is not to solve those issues on behalf of the principal parties, but to work on the negotiating framework and the process itself.
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| 16 |
ID:
154291
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| Summary/Abstract |
Given that the U.S. government is not prepared to advance peace in the Middle East, it is crucial that the EU step into a leadership role in the effort.
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| 17 |
ID:
165817
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the present time, the prospects for a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are bleak. Israelis and Palestinians and their respective supporters around the world dispute how we got to this point, but there is no disputing that the current situation is marked by a deep lack of trust on both sides and an unwillingness to consider the sort of compromises necessary to reach a permanent status agreement. The Trump administration’s unilateral actions to recognize Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem and downgrade its relationship with the Palestinians make the pathway to a resolution of the conflict even more difficult.
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| 18 |
ID:
154298
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| Summary/Abstract |
Both the standing of the UN as a whole and the fate of Resolution 2334 will be determined by the struggle between Trump and Haley on one side and the rest of the world on the other.
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