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| 1 |
ID:
160693
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese analysts view the US military not only as a model for emulation but also as a serious threat given its strengths in high tech weapons and equipment, power projection, and unparalleled ability to conduct information-intensive joint combat operations. Yet they also see many of the capabilities the US military relies upon to execute these operations – most notably forward bases, space capabilities, and computer networks and information technology systems – as potentially vulnerable to disruption. Accordingly, China has developed capabilities designed to deter or counter US military intervention in areas close to China. This poses two interrelated challenges for the United States: maintaining its military advantage in an era of rapid technological change and preserving deterrence against growing Chinese ambitions in Asia.
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| 2 |
ID:
131646
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses survey data collected in 2010 and conducts a systematic comparative analysis of the perceptions of the EU by the Chinese general public and the elite. Most ordinary Chinese citizens do not understand the EU very well, but their impressions of the EU are very positive and they also hold good expectations for the future of China-EU relations. The Chinese elites and ordinary citizens differ significantly in terms of 'favoring the EU' or 'favoring Russia'. The multivariate model indicates that EU travel experience, annual income level and Internet dependence have significant positive effects on 'favoring-EU' feelings. Those who have EU travel experience, higher levels of annual income and greater opportunities to obtain information via the Internet are more likely to be 'favoring-EU'.
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| 3 |
ID:
137370
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This article systematically examines the perceptual dimension of US–China–ASEAN relations. It specifically focuses on Chinese perceptions of American intentions in Southeast Asia, Chinese perceptions of the impact on China of the US's return to Southeast Asia, and suggestions of the Chinese scholarly community as to how China should respond to the US's return. Chinese scholars believe that the US returns to Southeast Asia for a variety of reasons and one of the most important is to manage the rise of China, and that the US's return has both positive and negative impacts on China's interests and the negative impact outweighs the positive. Overall, Chinese perceptions of the US return, especially Chinese scholars’ suggested response, indicate that Chinese scholars have internalized the strategy of peaceful rise which would give us added confidence that China is seriously committed to this strategy. If both the US and China stick to their relevant commitments, the rise of China, unlike that of most great powers in the past, would quite likely be peaceful.
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| 4 |
ID:
169959
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| Summary/Abstract |
A widely-held perception is that the image of North Korea among most Chinese people has changed from that of a socialist comrade and ‘little brother’ to an idiosyncratic, trouble-making neighbor. This research questions the homogeneity of Chinese people’s viewpoints towards North Korea. Concepts of state and popular nationalism are used to examine differences and similarities between the Chinese state and its people in their perceptions and sentiments towards North Korea, mainly focusing on the period of succession from Kim Jong-il to Kim Jong-un. Examining online discussions representing Chinese popular nationalism demonstrated that Chinese netizens’ political viewpoints are diversified along the ideological spectrum of left and right and that only the ‘moderate left’ netizens hold an image of North Korea which is close to that of their political authorities.
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| 5 |
ID:
162506
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article discusses the dramatic recent shifts in Chinese policy perspectives on the European Union (EU) and on EU-China relations. Whereas for more than a decade, policy makers and Europe specialists in China had regarded the EU as an exemplar of regional integration and as a promising new ‘pole’ in the global order, a recent survey shows that today, in the wake of the Eurozone crisis, the refugee crisis, and the ‘Brexit’ referendum, many perceive the EU as a troubled actor unfit to deal with the existential challenges confronting it, let alone play a credible leadership role beyond its own borders. Despite this, Beijing’s ambitious international agenda at a time of increasing global uncertainty guarantees China’s ever-growing stake in building a reliable, long-term partnership with the EU, even though recent Chinese diplomatic and economic initiatives are gravitating toward the Union’s periphery, targeting subregional groupings of Member States along Europe’s re-emerging, traditional fault lines. Based on the research findings presented in this paper, the authors argue that the EU and the Member States need to rethink the basic assumptions underlying their China policies in the so-called ‘New Era’ and explore new approaches of engagement that match these shifting perceptions, policies and political realities.
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| 6 |
ID:
179788
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2021.
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| Description |
xi, 212p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789391490010
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060039 | 327.54051/SIN 060039 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 060040 | 327.54051/SIN 060040 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
170512
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the increasing importance of the EU, China and the strategic partnership of these two in international politics, scholars and politicians have increased their interest in learning how the EU has been represented and viewed in China. Understanding Chinese perceptions of the EU contributes to better mutual understanding and is important for further developing a positive bilateral relationship. From 2005, when the first scientific study on this topic was conducted; to 2017, over a dozen projects, many fully or partly funded by the European Commission, have been undertaken by European and Chinese scholars. This paper reviews the state of play in the research on how the Chinese media represent and how China perceives the EU. It compares and synthesises the studies and their findings. It argues that the studies and projects have made important scholarly contributions to academic debate and been helpful in providing policy recommendations. However, although their findings do not contradict one another, they are not consistent either. It makes the comparison to track perceptual changes difficult. A methodological reflection on perception studies is discussed, closing with recommendations for future research areas.
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| 8 |
ID:
151416
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines Chinese perspectives of, and support for propaganda, relying on television public service advertisements as a means of tapping into citizens’ beliefs. Through the analysis of data from focus groups conducted in Beijing and public opinion survey data from 30 cities, this study argues that Chinese people are generally supportive of state efforts to guide public attitudes through television advertisements, although levels of support vary by age, education and gender. The study suggests that considerable popular support for state propaganda contributes to the regime’s capacity to guide public opinion and helps to explain the persistence of popular support for authoritarian rule.
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