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| 1 |
ID:
131794
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Between 1952 and 2012, there were a total of 88 successful military coups in Africa. Of those, 63 occurred prior to 1990, and 10 cases since the adoption, by the defunct Organization of African Unity (OAU), of the Lomé Declaration in July 2000, banning military coups and adopting sanctions against regimes born out of this. The article shows that the African Union (AU) has followed in the footsteps of the OAU in this regard. Assisted by some African regional organisations and international partners, the combined effect of this policy of the AU - assisted by other factors - has been a significant reduction in the occurrence of this phenomenon. While not constituting a funeral arrangement for military coups in the immediate future, these developments - if they were to continue - may indeed make this eventuality achievable in the long run. But the article also reveals some challenges the AU is facing in ensuring this.
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| 2 |
ID:
144567
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the mid-2000s, Beijing made a series of unilateral trade concessions with respect to agricultural trade with Taiwan. This move distressed the then incumbent party of the Republic of China, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), because Beijing’s offers might weaken the DPP’s rural support. This article offers the first empirical assessment of Beijing’s trade concessions. Using an original and highly disaggregate dataset at the township-product level, it examines what types of regions were more likely to be the beneficiary of the trade concessions, whether the concessions caused any production change, and the extent to which these changes undermined the DPP’s electoral support. It is found that while the benefit of tariff concession was not confined to pro-DPP regions, the townships that grew tariff-reduced products were no less likely to vote for the DPP. The result suggests a limit of Beijing’s economic enticement.
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| 3 |
ID:
165425
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| Summary/Abstract |
Survey experiments are ubiquitous in social science. A frequent critique is that positive results in these studies stem from experimenter demand effects (EDEs)—bias that occurs when participants infer the purpose of an experiment and respond so as to help confirm a researcher’s hypothesis. We argue that online survey experiments have several features that make them robust to EDEs, and test for their presence in studies that involve over 12,000 participants and replicate five experimental designs touching on all empirical political science subfields. We randomly assign participants information about experimenter intent and show that providing this information does not alter the treatment effects in these experiments. Even financial incentives to respond in line with researcher expectations fail to consistently induce demand effects. Research participants exhibit a limited ability to adjust their behavior to align with researcher expectations, a finding with important implications for the design and interpretation of survey experiments.
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| 4 |
ID:
141454
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| Summary/Abstract |
Numerous scholars have suggested that ICT diffusion may lead to more responsive governance in China. To date, however, few empirical studies have been made of the political implications of China's Internet, and previous studies of the association between citizen access to information and government responsiveness have focused on democratic contexts, relying on electoral mechanisms as explanations for the observed positive relationship. This article investigates ICT diffusion and government responsiveness in China by examining data on the composition of government spending. Results indicate that increasing ICT diffusion is associated with a higher proportion of provincial government spending devoted to health and education, and a lower proportion devoted to capital construction. A collective action mechanism is proposed as a potential driver of these results.
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| 5 |
ID:
159545
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| Summary/Abstract |
To balance ethnocultural diversity with national integration, the Chinese government started formulating a series of ethnic policies in the early 1950s, including policies on identifying and classifying ethnic groups, a system of regional ethnic autonomy, and a set of preferential treatment policies toward 55 minorities. This article aims to examine socioeconomic disparities between ethnic minorities and the Han majority in China, focusing on the role played by regional ethnic autonomy. Based on a large sample of China's mini-census data collected in 2005, we show that among nonfarm working populations, minorities are more likely than the Han to become managers/professionals or obtain high-status occupation, regardless of whether they are living in their own autonomous jurisdiction or other places. Minorities are paid lower wages, however, even after controlling for other characteristics, and the gap is even wider in autonomous jurisdictions than elsewhere. Finally, children of mixed Han-minority marriages in ethnic autonomous jurisdictions are more likely to identify themselves as minorities, especially those holding urban registration status (hukou) whose parents have received more schooling. Our findings bear important implications for the current debate on ethnic policy in China.
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| 6 |
ID:
137450
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| Summary/Abstract |
China in recent years has been asked by other major powers to take a greater share in international responsibility in response to the rise in China's national capability. Negative perceptions about how China is dodging its international responsibility exist not only among policy makers around the world, but have spread to worldwide mass publics, especially across the American people. In this article, we apply the dataset from the ‘Americans’ Attitudes toward China Survey' (AACS) to investigate what the American public think of China's international responsibility and which factors explain the varying evaluations from different theoretical perspectives. The results indicate that Americans' negative evaluations of China's international responsibility are associated with poor ratings regarding China's fulfillment of its domestic obligations and apprehension regarding China's potential threat, but has little to do with China's international behavior. To reduce these negative evaluations, China needs to improve its human rights conditions, give people more political rights, and convince the American public of the benevolence of its ascending power. In addition, persistent efforts toward soft-power construction are also very important since Americans who are interested in Chinese culture or knowledge tend not to think that China is dodging its international responsibility.
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| 7 |
ID:
162856
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| Summary/Abstract |
Schneider and Ingram introduced the pivotal theory of social construction of target populations in the American Political Science Review nearly 25 years ago. There, they developed four ideal type groups: advantaged, contenders, dependents, and deviants. They noted that there may be contention around the construction of the groups but implied an expectation of consensus. There has not been, however, a systematic categorization of politically salient target groups based on these categories, nor has there been an empirical assessment of whether or the extent to which consensus around the social constructions of salient target groups exists. We revisit this theory to offer a novel perspective and do so by leveraging advances in technology and methodological strategies. By crowdsourcing the task of evaluating the social construction of various target populations, we are able to assess underlying assumptions of theory as well as outline avenues for future research on policy design.
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