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| 1 |
ID:
131823
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered over 12 years. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much-probably almost all you need to know-about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the USA pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts.
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| 2 |
ID:
160460
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| Summary/Abstract |
South-East Asia is where Australia’s geography collides with our future. And South-East Asia acts as the threshold for what Australia faces in the Asian century. The ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) summit in Sydney in March 2018 was the first on Australian soil. Yet it was a meeting based on a lot of shared history over ASEAN’s 50 years.
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| 3 |
ID:
181936
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| Summary/Abstract |
In its 50 years, Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs (and later Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade) has become a great department of state. Foreign is an important conglomerate, doing diplomacy, trade, aid, and spying. In the Canberra system, though, Foreign has an ‘anaemia’ problem caused by chronic underfunding. Measured as a proportion of the Commonwealth budget, spending on diplomacy is halving in only three decades. Anaemia is the effect; the causes are a formidable set of forces pressing against the department over those 50 years: the evolution and empowerment of Australia’s presidential prime minister; the birth of ministerial minders; public service managerialism; Canberra’s national security system—and mindset—in the twenty-first century; globalisation and the digital era: every government department has its own bit of foreign policy; political choices: Australia’s two parties of government— Liberal and Labor—often buy something other than good foreign policy. Plus, important bits of the Liberal Party see DFAT as ideologically tainted.
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