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| 1 |
ID:
128428
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's aggressive actions in the East China Sea, combined with other factors, especially North Korea's continuing intransigence, have created an increasingly hostile security environment for Japan. Its response to these events can be seen in the impressive political rebirth of Shinzo Abe and the Liberal Democratic Party. While Abe, currently serving as prime minister for a second time, was elected largely because of his economic policies and the ineptitude of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Japan, he has used his mandate to press forward with long needed, albeit controversial, defense and security reforms that indicate the seriousness with which Tokyo takes its current situation. With China looming up in front of them, and Pyongyang posing lesser but still worrisome threats, the Japanese have become acutely aware of the fact that their Self-Defense Forces (SDF) have one hundred and forty thousand ground troops, one hundred and forty-one maritime vessels, and four hundred and ten aircraft, while China's People's Liberation Army has one million six hundred thousand troops and North Korea has one million soldiers. Meanwhile, North Korea maintains a significant, if decaying, navy and air force, with one hundred and ninety vessels and approximately six hundred aircraft. China's much more capable maritime and air assets include nine hundred and seventy vessels and two thousand five hundred and eighty aircraft.
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| 2 |
ID:
130613
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
"Historians believe that historical essays have nothing to do with the science of history and are actually harmful. Indeed, authors of such essays, whether intentionally or unintentionally, leave traces of themselves and their time. The same is true of editorials and reviews found in today's newspapers." ' The Origins of the Japan-China Territorial Issue, a new book by Mr. Murata Tadayoshi, an honorary professor at Japan' s Yokohama National University is also an example of what the Contemporary Historian, Mr. Chen Yinke, was referring to in the above. It is common knowledge that after Japan's Noda cabinet adopted its "nationalization" policy over the Diaoyu Islands on September ll, 2012, the Sino-Japan relationship began a downward spiral, while rivalry between non-govemment groups from both nations escalated. The Diaoyu
Islands dispute has become a hot topic for both the media and academia. Among the many works on the topic, Professor Murata's is quite unusual. While tensions remain high between China and Japan, his book carries an impressive argument as shown by work's subtitle-FaZsz?ed Facts in Japanese Government Papers. The cover of the book also features the question--"Are the Diaoyu Islands an inherent part of Japan's territory?"
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| 3 |
ID:
021192
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| Publication |
Spring 2002.
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| Description |
45-58
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| 4 |
ID:
130176
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines China's strategic interests in Australia. From the security per- spective, Beijing hopes that Australia will be a constructive factor for its peaceful rise. On the economic side, Beijing hopes that the bilateral relationship will ensure sufficient and sustainable resources and energy supplies from Australia for China's domestic needs
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| 5 |
ID:
131843
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As relations between Japan and China change due to a paradigm shift that has occurred over the past few years, the need for a new security outlook and world view has emerged. In East Asia, the foundation for the relationship between Japan and China must be fairness and justice, and the rule of law. This article proposes ways that Japan and China can work to cultivate common ground that would bring forth the possibility of a new Japan-China relationship based on the "strategic reciprocal relationship" established in 2006.
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| 6 |
ID:
131026
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Neighbouring states are most relevant in foreign policy' and Myanmar, indeed, has strategic, economic, cultural and religious signi?cance for India. Myanmar is not where only China and India 'meet'; it is also the intersection between South Asia and Southeast Asiaz. It is a gateway to South Asia and a land bridge to the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It is an opportunity and also brings with it a certain amount of vulnerabilities as well. Myanmar has huge potential for meeting India's energy requirement and for markets for Indian consumer goods; in return, India can contribute immensely in the field of infrastructure development, communication, education, tourism industry, science and technology. India and Myanmar are historically linked to each other through religion, people-to-people contact and sharing ethnically identical populations on both sides of the borders. The porous land borders of India and Myanmar are a cause of concern for peace, stability and economic development. Inhospitable terrain and an underdeveloped border region provide an ideal platform for insurgents, non-state actors, drugs and weapons traffickers to operate and spread their network
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| 7 |
ID:
131446
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2013.
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George H.W. Bush backed German reunification with a puzzling degree of enthusiasm. His strategic reasoning was clear and not in dispute, as he desired to keep a unified Germany enmeshed within NATO. Less obvious, however, is his general forgiveness of Germany's past, for which he was pilloried. Yet history was much on Bush's mind in reaching these decisions. Germans had learned from the past, he argued. Europeans had not. They could not keep the peace no matter their ongoing political consolidation, his administration concluded by reading European history, without Americans in their midst. Bush backed unification, therefore, to ensure NATO's survival and thus an ongoing American presence on the continent. By studying Bush's sense of history, and a policymaker's historical sensibility more broadly, historians can thus gain greater insight into this decision and how strategic decisions are more generally formed
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| 8 |
ID:
132553
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
How well do theories of economic interdependence and structural realism explain the India-China divergence between growing economic relations and continuing strategic mistrust? This article looks at the Indian side and argues that we need to go beyond economic and strategic factors, and brings in a more contingent approach based on domestic elite discourse and thinking. The article suggests that a more nuanced and complex debate on China is emerging in India than that posited by interdependence or realism, a debate that is framed by what I term nationalist, realist and globalist schools of thought, with the latter two groups currently holding the center of gravity.
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| 9 |
ID:
072976
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| 10 |
ID:
134050
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Engaging with a multilateral body requires constructive foreign policy forethought, especially for a country that is not a fully fledged member of that body. China's overtures to the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) exemplify this approach. The Indian Ocean and India are the two most immediate elements in China's policy approach to the IORA. With 20 member states, extra-territorial major powers as important dialogue partners, and the increasing importance of energy politics in the region, the IORA today is a significant multilateral body in China's calculus. Beijing's involvement with the IORA bespeaks the construct and strategy of a great power. For India, China's power construct in this matter poses three challenges: Beijing as a maritime power; Beijing as an economic power; and Beijing as a polygonal power.
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| 11 |
ID:
061646
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| 12 |
ID:
130648
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The committee's report has highlighted the diversity of the countries of the Indian Ocean Rim and the multiple ways it which these states can be categorised. This diversity and the lack of a single agreed definition of the 'Indian Ocean Rim' has created a significant challenge for the development of policy, from both an Australian and a regional perspective. Australia's approach to trade in the Indian Ocean Rim is largely bilateral; defence and strategic relations are based on single issue groupings; and aid to the region is predominately provided under the auspices of the United Nations. Evidence gathered in relation to the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co-operation (IOR-ARC) demonstrates clearly that diversity in the region - both economic and political - has created inertia in the region's main organisation.
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| 13 |
ID:
131512
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This research note highlights an important element missing from rational design theories of international agreements: "institutional context"-the presence or absence of existing and prior agreements between prospective partners in "new" cooperation. If, as rational design theorists argue, agreement design is deliberate, strategic, and directed toward enhancing contracting parties' ability to credibly commit to future cooperation, then prior design "successes" should influence the terms of additional cooperation. We test for this omitted variable problem in three agreement design outcomes: ex ante limitations on agreement duration, exit clauses, and dispute-settlement provisions. Through an augmentation and reanalysis of data from a key study in the rational design literature-Barbara Koremenos's "Contracting Around International Uncertainty"-we show institutional context is positively correlated with inclusion of ex ante time limitations in negotiated agreements and negatively correlated with the inclusion of exit clauses and third-party dispute-settlement provisions. Institutional context also mediates and conditions the effects of the explanatory variable at the heart of existing rational design theories-uncertainty about the future distribution of gains from cooperation. Our findings show that the collective appeal of particular design features varies not only with the nature of underlying strategic problems, but also with degrees of shared institutional context.
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| 14 |
ID:
131146
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The invitation to the Pakistan prime minister to attend the swearing-in of Narendra Modi may have been a diplomatic coup but Nawaz Sharif agreed to come as he was looking for something more substantial than a photo-op.
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| 15 |
ID:
063919
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| 16 |
ID:
133908
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
India and China, the two great neighbours jointly account for 15% of geographical land and 35% of total world population. The friendly relations between the two countries are essential for the peace and security in the region and the world as a whole. With the new leadership at the helm in both countries it can be hoped that new beginnings will be made to augment bilateral relations. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has advocated skill, scale and speed to compete with China, simultaneously India is also relying on I2 T2 approach wherein focus will be on two Is investment and infrastructure and two Ts trade and tourism. China too has extended positive signals to forge close ties with India
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| 17 |
ID:
115368
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| Publication |
Singapore, S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies, 2012.
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| Description |
130p.
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| Series |
RSIS Monograph No.23
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| Standard Number |
9789810728038
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056817 | 327.54052/MAT 056817 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
052663
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| Publication |
Apr-Jun 2004.
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| 19 |
ID:
073727
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| 20 |
ID:
130887
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A key ponderable that emerges while reviewing recent happenings is the fast progression of Japan-India relations. What are the reasons for this phenomenon?. The Japanese emperor's visit to India in November 2013 was the first ever such vision in history. January 2014 was the first time for a Japanese prime minister to grace the Indian Republic day parade as the chief guest.
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