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1 |
ID:
162170
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2 |
ID:
164125
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Summary/Abstract |
Is there a clarity about what exactly is required from the Armed Forces in a changing regional and global security environment when national interests are spread across the continent? Big question is that, have we developed capabilities to secure India’s interests that are so varied and dispersed strategically and geographically? If India has to break out of the claustrophobic confines of South Asia, it needs certain capabilities that can propel it to be a net security provider at least in Northern Indian Ocean Region.1 However, the defence reforms or absence of these tells a different story; that India may desire to be there but the capabilities are not commensurate with the desired mandate. The Government of India has appointed the Defence Planning Committee (DPC) that would be a permanent body mandated to prepare a draft national security strategy, undertake a strategic defence review, and formulate an international defence engagement strategy.2 It will be premature to pass the judgement on DPC but a doubt remains that is it duplication and add-on to the existing cumbersome national security structure? Appointment of DPC should not be confused with the defence reforms as these are two different aspects.
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3 |
ID:
132718
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Despite a rich legacy of impressive technological accomplishments, the government acquisition of advanced space systems is increasingly synonymous with schedule slips and cost overruns. Program reviews have suggested that investing more in centralized and strategic research and development outside particular programs will reduce technical uncertainties and improve cost and schedule outcomes. This paper suggests roles for a centralized technology office by examining the methods available in the literature for managing portfolios of research projects.
In particular, the paper answers three questions. Firstly, it examines the key features that characterize the space agencies' innovation context compared to the private sector where most of the portfolio literature is founded. Secondly, it summarizes the advantages and disadvantages of the models in the literature. Finally, the paper addresses how innovation decision making should be structured within agencies in order to achieve the best results. The paper concludes that an executive level technology office is best placed to act as an enabler, rather than an absolute decision maker. Such an office would not replace decision making at the technical manager level, but would provide overall strategic direction and guidance within which technical managers can make decisions about project innovation.
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4 |
ID:
032958
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Publication |
New York, Franklin Watts, Inc., 1965.
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Description |
65p.Hbk
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Series |
Military History of World War II
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Contents |
Vol. XVIII
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
008110 | 940.54/DUP 008110 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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5 |
ID:
149072
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Summary/Abstract |
Historians may well conclude that Obama glimpsed a different world for American foreign policy but never exerted the kind of strategic direction needed to turn that vision into reality.
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6 |
ID:
138429
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Summary/Abstract |
Although the demand for UN peacekeepers shows little sign of abating, a sense of uncertainty and malaise continues to colour discussions about the future of UN peacekeeping. Of the many issues facing the UN High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations that was set up in 2014, the use of force by UN peacekeepers is likely to attract particular attention. It is also likely to prove divisive, both among member states and within the Secretariat. While steps can be taken to strengthen the capacity of the UN to mount and conduct field operations, Mats Berdal and David H Ucko argue that the way forward does not lie simply in entrusting UN forces with ever-more ‘robust’ war-fighting mandates. Instead, more systematic attention needs to be given to strategically linking UN peacekeeping activities to political processes aimed at bringing violent conflict to an end. This will require far greater honesty from member states regarding their own responsibility in enabling the UN to do what they ask of it.
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