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| 1 |
ID:
132807
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While the Chinese main offensive in the Eastern Theatre was directed against the Tawang - Bomdi La Sector, the subsidiary was launched in the Walong Sector. The Chinese aim was to annihilate the Indian troops deployed in Walong Sector and in the process advance upto their claim line of 07 Nov 1959, i.e. almost the foothills. Initially on the Indian side, Walong Sector was the responsibility of 5 Infantry Brigade which was part of 4 Infantry Division. It was the Assam Rifles which manned the border posts. In response to occasional Chinese incursions through the Lohit Valley, 2 RAJPUT was moved into the area. In Mar 1962, it was replaced by 6 KUMAON.'
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| 2 |
ID:
132808
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The five pre-1998 nuclear powers have matured their Nuclear Command and Control Structures, and Nuclear Forces Structures (NFS) over a period ranging from 70 years for the US to 50 years for China.
The Cold War arms race created thousands of systems for command and control or functioning of military forces. The C4ISR systems deployed or under development provide 24 hours continuous surveillance of each other's areas/offensive weapons, detect movement of strategic systems or change of deployment patterns and allied/linked systems. The command and control of these powers are well developed, with state-of-the-art electronic systems to function under NBC conditions. The command centres are located in deep underground hardened shelters, capable of withstanding nuclear attacks, functioning 24x7.
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| 3 |
ID:
134019
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Robert Ayson comments on the South China Sea. Asia's regional security and New Zealand foreign policy
as the powers jostle in a more competitive Asia-Pacific region, it may seem counter-intuitive to call for a clearer New Zealand position on the South China Sea disputes. But even as regional tensions grow, Wellington can stick up for its principles without joining a chorus of China criticism. Under the key government, New Zealand's alignment with the United States is becoming more pronounced through a series of small but cumulatively important steps. this makes it even more important for New Zealand's policy to be staked out clearly, including in written from accessible to the public discussion.
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| 4 |
ID:
132883
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2014.
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Debates about the future of American seapower in East Asia turn on the argument that American seapower presents a risky and costly luxury that undercuts the cooperative potential of US-China relations. This article asks whether accommodation between China and the United States on the possession and exercise of American seapower in East Asia is possible. Accommodation on this front could significantly lower the risks of unintended escalation and in turn undermine arguments that favour an American retreat from East Asia. The article outlines how accommodation can be achieved on the exercise of American seapower in the region.
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| 5 |
ID:
133891
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 6 |
ID:
133893
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Present paper makes an assessment of Indo-Maldives relationship with special emphasis on China factor in last two years. It is argued that since the controversial ouster of Mohamed Nasheed in Febuary 2012 Maldives' relationship with India has deteriorated in comparison to the previous three decades of constructive engagement. While political instability in Maldives has been a result of the clash of historical and social forces with the new democratic experiment launched in 2008, its fallout for India has come in the form of making latter's negative invocation in domestic political discourse by the rival elites.
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| 7 |
ID:
133896
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2014.
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India has always shared a convivial relation with Bhutan. This article traces the historical background of the bilateral relations, attempting to investigate why Bhutan, despite being tiny in size, is so important even after the change of Government in India. Pragmatically, the new Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, stated his foreign policy by selecting Bhutan as his first trip abroad. What are the promises that Modi has made to Bhutan? Who all have raised objections to Modi's plans for Bhutan and why? How important is the China factor in developing the India-Bhutan relations?
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| 8 |
ID:
133911
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It can be safely concluded that external powers have more to do in Nepali domestic politics, than Nepalis themselves do. It is unlikely that Nepal would have a smooth sail in the near future. With the intensifying contentions, both overt and covert, between and among China, the US and India, Nepal's politics can hardly be expected to have a democratic regime in the years to come. The things will become stable once the present cat-and-dog contention in the Himalayan Asia reaches saturation and a conclusive end. Timeframe and modus operandi for that cannot be predicted, for various variables could differ the state of affairs. It is US and China's interest to control the region.
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| 9 |
ID:
133695
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| Publication |
2014.
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Both India and Vietnam belong to a region that holds enormous potential, but also many challenges. We have a strong convergence of interests in working together, and with others in the region, for a stable, peaceful and prosperous Asia. ....Vietnam's emergence as one of the most vibrant economies in the Asia Pacific region is greatly welcomed by India, especially because we regard Vietnam as a trusted and privileged strategic partner and an important pillar of our Look East Policy".
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| 10 |
ID:
133910
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since independence of India the new government at the Centre headed by Jawaharlal Nehru had adopted a very effective foreign policy and by virtue of which the bilateral relations between the subcontinent of India and the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan have been emerged as traditional friends with each other. Since then India remains influential and plays the role of a big brother of its neighboring countries- Nepal, Bangladesh, Srilanka, Pakistan, Myanmar, Mauritius and Bhutan in particular. As a matter of fact Bhutan's defence, commerce and foreign affairs has been greatly influenced by India.
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| 11 |
ID:
132882
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this issue of The Journal of Strategic Studies, we join the debate over the role that seapower plays in the current re-shaping of security relations in Northeast Asia and we aim to make three contributions to it. First, we argue that seapower matters because East Asia is a maritime region, one in which maritime forces are a primary tool underscoring both cooperative and competitive regional dynamics. Second, we suggest that claims of an emerging naval arms race in East Asia are not supported by the way the different regional countries are debating the pursuit of enhanced capabilities. In the region, there are certainly signs of capabilities procured with neighbouring actors in mind, but these procurement plans are only a fraction of much more complex and articulated policies that have to do with the wider evolving strategic meaning that the sea has for each of the nation states under examination. The third contribution of this issue concerns the realm of methodology. Over the past decade and a half, a number of new source materials emerged in China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea (ROK) that enabled scholars with language expertise to engage in greater depth in the study of defence policy and military modernisation in East Asia. The articles in this issue aim to showcase how different methodologies, ranging from contemporary history to political science, can be applied to articulate nuanced analysis.
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| 12 |
ID:
134054
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With water concerns growing increasingly urgent, the global community will benefit from a treatment of the lessons learned and best practices in water dispute resolutions and approaches to water management. This report discusses the outcome of a working group of water experts from the Near East and South Asia (NESA) region,1 set up by the Strategic Studies Network, National Defense University, Washington DC. It is hoped that the findings and agreed-upon recommendations will add to the body of knowledge and sensitise policy-makers and governments to the challenges and opportunities that water presents. Some of the key questions discussed are:
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