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| 1 |
ID:
149514
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| 2 |
ID:
133091
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Our mental maps of the world, including our perceptions of where regions begin and end, can have profound consequences on strategic behavior. For decades there has been a sharp division between what we understand to be the regions of South Asia and Southeast Asia. The line between them effectively cuts the Bay of Bengal in two. These perceptions have inhibited a proper analysis of the strategic dynamics of the area. This article argues that the Bay of Bengal increasingly matters as a strategic space. Like, the South China Sea, security issues in the Bay of Bengal and its littoral states need to be understood and addressed in a coherent manner.
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| 3 |
ID:
170141
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| 4 |
ID:
137453
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Bay of Bengal region is now growing in economic and strategic importance. The good economic prospects of many Bay of Bengal states are making the region a cockpit for Asian growth and a key economic connector between East and South Asia. This article looks at strategic developments in the Bay of Bengal and their implications for our understanding of the Indo-Pacific. It argues that the Bay of Bengal needs to be understood as a region with its own particular strategic dynamics and issues. The area is fast becoming a key zone of strategic competition in Asia and is of vital strategic importance to India.
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| 5 |
ID:
164117
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anew strategic dynamic between the United States (US), China and Russia in contemporary international affairs has emerged over the past few years. The process began more than five years ago with the US applying new domestic laws extra-territorially to impose sanctions against Russia (on account of alleged corrupt practices) and Crimea. The emergence of a new assertive China under President Xi Jinping catalysed this process further.1 With the election of President Donald Trump in the US presidential elections in 20162, the strategic dynamic between the three powers has been marked by disruptions in their interaction. This has resulted in a gridlock in international relations, with each of the three powers acting within their individual strategic frameworks to derive advantage over the other. Inevitably, this interaction has major ramifications for the system of international relations founded on the principle of international cooperation established almost a century ago after the First World War. To assess this complex interplay, it would be useful to look at the strategic drivers of the bilateral equations between the US and Russia, the US and China, and China and Russia.
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