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ID:
130618
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the past six decades, Taiwan's China studies have undergone a gradual shift from a focus on policy analysis and political introduction to one that is centred on scholarly research with policy analysis as its secondary aim. During this process, the role of the IIT has shifted from that of a government think thank, monopolizing China studies and serving the top brass jointly with other state-dominated research units, to a competitor for academic achievement and policy influence in a pluralistic academic and political market.
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| 2 |
ID:
130615
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
this article adopts a reflexive approach to investigate the history of the Sino-American Conference on mainland China (SACMC), the Cold War precursor of the Taiwan - US Conference on contemporary China (TUSCCC) organized and hosted by the institute of international relations (IIR) of the republic of China , the Cold war origins of the SACMC demonstrate the nation that power and knowledge- the practice of politics and theory of politics are asymmetrically and symbiotically co-constitute.
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| 3 |
ID:
130633
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Configurations of citizenship are often reflected in school knowledge which contains normative and pedagogical discourses. Changes in the citizenship curriculum also capture the socio-political transition of a society. Drawing on textual and content analysis, this article presents a comparative analysis of the relevant textbooks at the junior high level in Mainland China and Taiwan in the late 1990s with regard to the portrait of a good citizen. It is concluded that the mainland's materials, combining socialist and republican models of citizenship, tend to teach their students to be patriots with good psychological quality, legal compliance, moral integrity, lofty ideals, an enterprising spirit and a distinguished sense of social responsibility for "socialist modernization construction" and national revival, while Taiwan's materials, more in a manner of liberalism and communitarianism, emphasize personhood, human rights values, public spiritedness, and civic competence, which lay a foundation .for sustaining a budding democracy and civil society
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| 4 |
ID:
130614
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Throughout much of history the Institute a/'/international Relations /[IR] has been perceived as a Kuomintang think tank. Based an the perspective generated by personal contributions (before its formal establishment in 1975as part of National Chengchi University, the author tracer the IIR's foundations and key staff as far back as 1937 to argue that is was constructed during a national crisis because the state leader needed professional opinions that could be used strategically. Thus rather than considering the IIR as an organization subject to a political party. it should be regarded as on institution charged with gathering scholars to defend the country.
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| 5 |
ID:
130629
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last two and half decades the Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive party have dominated Taiwan's party system. From 2008-2012 they were the only parties represented in the Legislative Yuan. Nevertheless, there have been periods in which other parties have had a significant impact on the party system. These parties have received considerable media attention during and between campaigns, won significant members of parliamentary and local assembly seats, and affected the Taiwanese political agenda. In this paper I assess the impact of these small parties on the party system and offer some explanations for their electoral successes and failure over the last decade.
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| 6 |
ID:
130623
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There were four critical undercurrents for the growth of Korean think tank in the 1990s: democratization. the end o/the Cold War. _globalization coupled with local autonomy, and the expanded government budget accompanying Korea's rapid economic growth. In contrast to American think tanks which are private but normally server as public policy advocates, most of the important Korean think tanks are supported by the government and they are not independent public policy advocates. the Korean think tanks are highly susceptible to domestic political dynamics for instance, the presidential office's power over the over the appointment of directors.
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